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sorry.. I m totally new here...

but how can I get an email account here..

that ends:

@stealthisemail.com

I was trying all the websites.. and related web sites and couldln't find it. so I became member here..

thanks for answering.. PS I have no clue where I am .. except that I know some institutions associated: autonomedia and abcnorio... which I love.. parmi d autre...

I am shocked that I cannot find anyone anywhere to talk about DEPLETED URANIUM. Type these 2 words into your search engine, you will find information you wish you hadn't.

To date both Bush administrations have dropped 395 tonnes of DU in Iraq. Will DU be the next AGENT ORANGE? Will it take another 30 years for the U.S.A. to admit to the world that DU use was a crime against humanity? That we are terrorists in Iraq? That DU poisoned our own soldiers?

What if Iraq dropped 395 tonnes of DU on us. Would we not be screaming! I am horrified by the use of DU. And am ashamed our politicans allowed such a horrible weapon to be used!

I found the summation of heteroglossia, as well as its relationship to other key Bakhtinian terms, by Karine Zbinden in "Traducing Bakhtin and Missing Heteroglossia," in Dialogism 2, both succinct and clear. In this passage she is summarizing from "Discourse in the NoVel' (DN, pp.84-86 R; pp.96-98 f;pp.271-73 E).

... a professor ... insists that heteroglossia is roughly (entirely) synonymous with the post-structuralist concept of discourse. This article explains how such 'missreadings' can occur.

"Bakhtin begins his argument about centripetal and centrifugal forces with a few historical observations: he interprets the efforts towards the unification of the national languages in Europe, be they the various poetics, Leibniz's universal grammar or Humboldt's ideologism, as instances of centripetal forces. Bakhtin details the diverse ways in which other 'dialects' have been suppressed. He goes on to explain that centripetal and centrifugal forces are at work within a single natural language as well. In fact the situation within one natural language is comparable to and can be represented by the fight between the various 'dialects' or languages in a polylingual society. Thus as single natural language is not only stratified into dialects proper but into 'social-ideological' languages. This heretogeneity of natural language is heteroglossia. Heteroglossia thus accounts for both the common social nature of language as a shared code and for the individual appropriation of language in use. The notion of speech genre as a further development of the concept of heteroglossia introduces the idea of stability in language. This prevents the post-structuralist drift of a subject which speaks itself into self-annihilation, which is the back-cloth of an intertextual conception of language" (51).

Pam Morris's "The Bakhtin Reader" (1994) provides a wonderful glossary of terms (pp. 245-52). Here's Morris's definition of "heteroglossia":

For Bakhtin, discourse always articulates a particular view of the world. According to Bakhtin, earliest societies were characterized by "monoglossia," or a stable, unified language. "Polyglossia" refers to the simultaneity of two or more national langauges in the same society, a phenomenon which developed, as Bakhtin points out, in ancient Rome and during the Renaissance. "Heteroglossia" (the Russian "raznorechie" literally means "different-speech-ness"), refers to the conflict between "centripetal" and "centrifugal," "official" and "unofficial" discourses within the same national language. "Heteroglossia" is also present, however at the (q.v.) mirco-linguistic scale; every utterance contains within it the trace of other utterances, both in the past and in the future. The discursive site in which the conflict between different voices is at its most concentrated is the modern novel (q.v.). One way of representing heteroglossia in the novel is by a hybrid construction, which contains within it the trace of two or more discourses, either those of the narrator and character(s), or of different characters (q.v. "quasi-direct discourse"). "Heteroglossia" should not be confused with "polyphony." The latter term is used by Bakhtin primarily to describe Dostoevsky's multi-voiced" novels, whereby author's and heroes' discourses interact on equal terms. "Heteroglossia," on the other hand, foregrounds the clash of antagonistic social foces (pp. 248-49).

Just when it’s safe to declare the bear market dead, it rears its ugly head again. And many fear the current stockmarket rally is anything but unstoppable.

(Wall Street Journal Europe, 3 December 2003)

to be of the date taken into accord which now are late season, politicos on the east of the west hemisphere, besides the sites of the conventions, were never really that much activist in political anaylsis. but much has become about maybe to open eyes of the general public so they accept what people do as their life as well as the toughnesss living in resistance. it is not recognition, but awareness of outside life not to do with cultured farming of herded people to places of sexual and alcoholic worship. the biggest part of this "scene" is that the city in which i live isn't very rich, and is in the process of being up and coming attraction to tourists or even the city's citizens. people just hate that another person would rather be alone outside than doing what everyone else is doing in order to be a "someone" and not just something. the west has a lot to do with culture because of television and the need to attract with body types and a certain personality that reflects to the public. people aren't all that brainwashed, they want things to do and be apart, but behind the lines there is no hope unless the fight or fuck "in" reconciles all activity as being apart of society in an area. to forgive is allowance but never not caring, to retaliate is to join and fight the people amongst ourselves for a stance of allowance of living in a city.(europeanesque), and to leave is to find more of it somewhere else, or just go away. there is no answer except to live free in the street and nevermind, but when fighting for your freedom against the people more so than the law, it becomes a hatred and only to be walked off and into the darkness. fighting with religion only worsens but does give more ways and answers, while answers that counter common law give a knowledge to overcome anything verbal or written. so a question or an answer? action is the answer only way out, but the city has no means to be done away with in law, it attracts feds and needs none of that. attracting entertainment would occupy people and allowing behind the scenes a lot more space and less attraction in the walls. to live and die in the east coast. network. less spray.

To Link!

It is certainly not easy to describe all the different forms of metropolitan resistance in the Italian context, if we consider it a peculiar place -a sort of political laboratory- within the European Union. The risk in this account is to reduce the value of specific geographical differences that characterize the Italian peninsula and its housing movements. It seems useful then to start from analyzing my experience in an occupied building which those who live in like myself define “lab”, as an example of the varied groups in metropolitan Rome, which is complex enough to allow us to leave behind the burden of an attempt of representing the Italian context in general. Two years ago, in 2002, we occupied a building we intended to transform into a lab for the metropolitan socially precarious (???explanation? Temps? Flexible?). This place has been named Acrobax project. The people involved in the project come from different backgrounds. Some of us are computer technicians, sound engineers, delivery boys and messengers, waiters, students, researchers, third sector (service) workers, and some unemployed. Our common condition of precariousness, regardless of the type of job or contract we may have, is mostly due to a temporary source of income, never guaranteed nor secured by year or longer contracts; this is a fundamental form of unbearable constrain on our lives. The idea of Acrobax, conceived as a space, a lab and a project, gvies us useful ways to overcome the previous “centri sociali” format, an established experience in Italy in the last 15-20 years, while recognizing their importance, we also need to strengthen it as a model, moving from the need of occupied, self-managed spaces to the sharing of social needs and desires, specific to all the other precarious groups of people, who are constantly denied such needs and desires, living in metropolitan Rome. From the very beginning, we tried to link our thoughts and collective work with new antagonists- or forms of antagonism (???) -and productive subjects, knowing that we are part of a constituting social subject, emerging as multiple and heterogeneous; in short, what is being called by many political groups “precariato”. (don’t know how / if translate this term??) Far from being the contemporary proletariat, il precariato, mainly dwelling in metropolitan areas, is experimenting practices, languages e organizational models clearly beyond traditional unions, with their consolidated power structures and forms of political activity. In fact il precariato belongs to a different era, where the production and the subsequent social composition have changed radically from the context in which the proletariat formed, and which characterized historically the worker’s movement in the twentieth century. Our project is reiterating and making visible the need of shifting the planes of action, of organization and social conflict, widening our interventions on the whole social life. This vision can not be simply reduced to labor and wage contradictions as such, (@@@check Marxxxxxx terms in English))), rather, it involves all spaces of production and reproduction of life. Such shift is not just a strategic response to capitalist’s transformations enacted globally, which redesigned power relations and labor relations in the new job market; it is also a general political choice, a shift to a wide involvement of the whole social aspects (sphere) of life. This shift is crucial for us, in order to propose a new way, approach, praxis, practice of resistance, of re-appropriation and struggle. Our attempt is to tackle the complexity of precarious life, to try and leave behind both the oppressing spaces of union political practices and the indefinite spaces of antiglobalization movement. Our mobilization tries to build a social struggle from below, using direct reappropriation of housing, transportation, communication, education and training. Our goal is the actual development of social actions and subjects, which are fundamental to the transformation of existence. If we think of territoriality as a striated, post-fordist ( I used striated as opposite of smooth in Deleuze’ english translation maybe we need a different term?) space, crossed by people moving, fluxes of information and commodities, - immaterial and material circuits of production, and re-production of life- the very urban territory must be seen differently from any old vision such as the fifties and sixties’ urban structures of the neighborhoods. The new metropolitan territory, modeled by the market’s needs, is re-designed in an infinite reproduction, widening its horizons, separating and diluting spaces so that social relations, traditionally developed in the old neighborhoods are broken. Contemporary urban space constitutes a metropolis where productive transformations shape constantly the social composition of the circuits of production (does it make much sense?). In the neighborhood where we are located a great change happened in the last decade, due to the development of the third University of Rome campus; this huge project is shaping the territory in a gradual, long term process. A corporate-model new university, constantly expanding materially and immaterially, designed in contrast to the old structure of University of Roma la Sapienza (the oldest campus), the new campus is a closed spaced, separated from the social, productive context (?). In an article written for the alternative magazine INFOXOA, titled “we reclaim everything!”, I described the role of the university as a university reaching the total control over the student/workers body who live in it. A new university, innovative, “European“, in the sense of the fashionable word today. What we would call provocatively a “post- fordist” university, characterized by a distribution over the urban territory, with departments, offices and facilities such as the cafeteria and Adisu, all dislocated in various areas connected by shuttle buses. Not surprisingly, such university departments are occupying the previously industrial areas, in South West Roma where factories and plants were, among others, Alfa Romeo cars and OMI. Our lab is at the border with this area and all the South roman periphery, reaching the seaside till the town of Ostia, where there have been ongoing battles and housing resistances over a social center/squatted house project called Vittorio Occupato. We are in relations with the Vittorio project, especially because of their ability to develop an intercultural project which involves more than 200 homeless migrants. At Acrobax, we decided to evolve from a small group of people doing night shifts to a squatted housing project, today hosting twenty dwellers, which we call ‘acrobats’. Once we took this decision, we connected to the larger city movement for housing rights. Such movement has been evolving from a fight for housing in itself as a right to the wider range of the right of a basic income, in the continuum of re-appropriation of time, house and survival resource, as converging planes of a new subjectivity (?). Since then, we connected more intensely with other occupied buildings’ political groups, within the citywide coordination for housing rights, an historical coalition based in Rome since the Seventies, mainly rooted in political views and practices of autonomy. Today, the citywide coalition calls for bi-weekly meetings, in alternate schedule with the specific areas coalitions’ meetings. This city network also allows for a stronger rooting of the areas specific coalitions, which adds to the variety of forms of political struggles. Such territorially based organization of activism around housing struggles is a tool we have been experimenting with, hoping to involve participation of a larger numbers of squatters. Considering that the social composition of new occupations is mainly immigrant groups, participation is already difficult because of language barriers. We are also trying to take into account the variety of territorially based mobilization: there are areas in which housing emergency has not yet brought to a mobilization of the inhabitants, which poses the problem on what to do to widen the participation. In this regard, we opened “information booths” in different occupied buildings, to inform and improve communication among different groups and metropolitan areas. Such information tools are thought of as a public space aimed at helping information circulation, opening new occasions of debate and exchange among the precarious population, so to produce a new imagination of shared forms of struggle. The so called “metropolitan information booths” are used as a flexible, fast tool for struggle, able to reach the fragmentary urban areas, to involve various subjects, starting from the specific needs and desires. They are an answer to stratification caused by privations and investments, both moved by pure profit logic, with its awful effect of a gradually increasing control and redesign of urban spaces. We believe that such information booths open possible a new form of social recomposition. For example, through such booths we are also connecting and re-vitalizing the metropolitan network for the right to an income. This network, in the last two years, organized important events of social communication and mobilization in Rome. They occupied the subway to reclaim free access to transportation, against the increased fees and costs of living. They mobilized with actions in large grocery stores to ask for a reduction of the cost of food. Finally, they were involved in direct action and demonstrations against temp-work agencies, and to occupation of many abandoned buildings around the city, a more traditional action for the housing rights network. In conclusion, the struggle for housing is one of the most relevant and historically successful in the history of Roma’s movements; recently there has been an increasing social strength. In this context, our attempt is to connect material aspects of autonomous organizing, to connect global and local contradictions, as the unfold in multiple places. One of the examples is the selling of public building and real estate of Rome( called cartolarizzazione), often being sold to multinational corporations or consulting firms, closely related to the Bush administration, such as the Carlyle Group and Morgan & Stanley. The connection among these planes is crucial to be able to develop a discourse able to transform the grounds of housing and income expropriation, experimenting and sharing conditions and direct practices, able to constitute new forms of metropolitan counter power. (contropotere ?). Such forms can define a political space for a new rebellious subject, the precariato, able to fight across new paths of resistance, to weave the fabric of social insubordination spreading in this metropolis. Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos! ( barricades close the streets but open new paths!) **find exact expression**

Certo che descrivere in maniera esaustiva le diverse esperienze e forme di resistenza metropolitana che si danno nel contesto italiano (particolare laboratorio politico della comunita europea) e' cosa complicata che rischia di non valorizzare a pieno le particolarita territoriali che percorrono in lungo e in largo tutta la penisola.

Quindi forse risultera piu congeniale partire da alcune considerazioni soggettive maturate dentro un'esperienza collettiva (come quella del laboratorio occupato nel quale vivo) prendendole per piu come riferimento dello ìspaccato metropolitanoî romano, che non al contrario come riferimento completo dell'intero contesto italiano.

Due anni fa abbiamo occupato uno spazio - Acrobax project - che abbiamo voluto chiamare laboratorio del precariato metropolitano.

"Siamo tecnici informatici, fonici, facchini, camerieri, operatori del terzo settore, studenti/borsisti, disoccupati. La condizione di precarieta che ci accomuna, a prescindere dalla tipologia lavorativa e contrattuale di ciascuno, scaturisce dall'intermittenza di un reddito non continuato, non garantito, fonte di ricatto insopportabile".(1)

Abbiamo intenzione con questo progetto, di contribuire al rilancio ma anche al superamento dell'esperienza storica dei centri sociali e degli spazi occupati, ponendo al centro della nostra attivita i bisogni sociali e i desideri comuni, che vengono quotidianamente negati a noi, come a tutti gli altri precari che vivono questa metropoli.

Da subito abbiamo calato la nostra riflessione e il nostro lavoro collettivo sulle nuove forme antagoniste espresse dalle emergenti soggettivita produttive, che costituiscono appunto quel soggetto sociale, molteplice ed eterogeneo, che ormai da piu parti e' indicato genericamente come "precariato".

Lungi dall'essere la traslazione di quello che fu storicamente il proletariato - non solo per una generale trasformazione del contesto produttivo ma anche per una relativa e conseguente mutazione interna alla stessa composizione sociale - il precariato che vive oggi nelle metropoli sperimenta ormai da tempo pratiche, linguaggi e forme organizzative, che hanno il dichiarato intento di superare la forma sindacale tradizionale che invece aveva caratterizzato storicamente il novecentesco movimento operaio.

Vogliamo per questo ribadire con il nostro progetto la necessita di ridislocare i piani d'azione di organizzazione e di conflitto, allargando il nostro intervento a tutta la sfera sociale dell'uomo. Che ovviamente non si riduce semplicemente nella contraddizione lavorativa e salariale tout court, ma che al contrario investe progressivamente tutti gli spazi di produzione e riproduzione di vita.

Non e' solo una scelta strategica a fronte del fatto che le trasformazioni che il capitalismo ha messo in campo su scala globale hanno completamente rimodulato i rapporti di forza sui "nuovi posti" di lavoro, ma e' anche una scelta politica di piu ampio respiro che vuole coinvolgere l'intera sfera sociale della vita, per poter cosÏ rilanciare un concreto percorso di resistenza, di riappropriazione e di lotta.

Cercando di aggredire la dimensione complessa della precarieta, proviamo a superare tanto gli angusti spazi della pratica sindacale quanto gli indefiniti spazi del movimento no-global.

Ci mobilitiamo infatti per costruire dal basso lotte sociali che sul terreno della riappropriazione diretta della casa dei trasporti della formazione come della comunicazione, si pongono l'obiettivo dello sviluppo concreto di quel protagonismo sociale: prerequisito fondamentale dei processi di trasformazione dell'esistente.

I percorsi di lotta che portiamo avanti dalla casa ai trasporti al reddito garantito, si sviluppano principalmente all'interno di una dimensione territoriale. Ovviamente il contesto metropolitano, attraversato e ridisegnato dai processi di trasformazione e ristrutturazione del capitale globale, obbliga a ridefinire il concetto di territorio, imponendo ai movimenti di lotta un'eterodossa e dinamica analisi progettuale.

Se il territorio e' lo spazio striato dalla produzione postfordista, attraversato dalla circolazione di persone, merci servizi e flussi informativi - quindi da circuiti materiali ed immateriali di produzione e riproduzione di vita - lo stesso territorio metropolitano, andra svincolato da qualsiasi visione corrispondente al vecchio sistema-quartiere della struttura urbana degli anni 50/60.

Il territorio metropolitano modellato costantemente in base alle esigenze produttive del mercato, si riconfigura nelle sue articolazioni e si riproduce all'infinito allargando il suo perimetro a perdita d'occhio, dilazionando e separando in tal modo le relazioni sociali tradizionalmente consolidate nei vecchi quartieri popolari.

Lo spazio metropolitano infatti si costituisce urbanisticamente, attestandosi sui luoghi della trasformazone produttiva plasmando e rimodulando costantemente la composizione sociale interna al suo stesso circuito. Per esempio nella nostra zona, il terzo polo universitario di Roma, nell'arco degli ultimi dieci anni ha innescato un immenso progetto di ridefinizione territoriale che sostanzialmente si e' sempre mosso in questa direzione.

"Un ateneo imprenditoriale in continua espansione materiale ed immateriale, sostanzialmente pensato in contrapposizione all'ormai desueta strutturazione della Sapienza, una cittadella universitaria chiusa in spazi ben definiti e separati dal tessuto produttivo. Un'universita che ora ha definitivamente irrigimentato il bacino di forza lavoro/utenza che la popola. Un ateneo innovativo, avanzato, molto "europeo", come si dice oggi. Un universita che, con una piccola provocazione, potremmo definire 'post-fordista' in senso pieno. Esemplare e' il suo modello di sviluppo urbanistico, che investe i territori, con le sue facolta dislocate, con i suoi servizi di trasporto, tipo "navette", che collegano le facolta alle segreterie, alla mensa, all'Adisu. Non e' un caso infatti che molte facolta abbiano preso fisicamente il posto di quelli che una volta erano le grandi fabbriche di Roma Sudovest, come l'Alfaromeo, l'ex Omi, etc." (2)

Il territorio che attraversiamo con il laboratorio e le relazioni di lotta che costruiamo quotidianamente, incrociano non solo la zona che ci e' immediatamente vicina, ma tutto il cono sud di Roma fino al mare, dove nella localita di ostia resiste e lotta da ben tredici anni un altro laboratorio socio abitativo, il Vittorio occupato, che sviluppa un progetto interculturale con piu di 200 senza casa, tutti migranti. Ad Acrobax dopo un primo periodo di occupazione, abbiamo deciso di trasformare il presidio notturno del laboratorio in un vero e proprio progetto abitativo (che attualmente comprende una ventina di acrobati). Solo allora ci siamo posti la questione di un movimento di lotta per la casa piu largo e cittadino. Un movimento che cominciasse a porre seriamente la rivendicazione della casa dentro una piu ampia rivendicazione di reddito, a partire gia da quello espropriato, individuando proprio il terreno della riappropriazione della casa, come un primo inevitabile piano di soggettivazione. E da allora e' nato il rapporto ormai sempre piu intenso con le altre occupazioni abitative, legate al coordinamento cittadino di lotta per la casa, storica struttura romana, legata al percorso politico dell'autorganizzazione sociale degli anni 70. (3).

Il coordinamento cittadino convoca le proprie assemblee generali ogni quindici giorni, intervallate da coordinamenti territoriali nelle altre due settimane. Attraverso questa forma a rete le diverse assemblee di zona tentano di stabilire una relazione territoriale piu solida per poter favorire con piu continuita l'incontro di molteplici percorsi di lotta.

La divisione per zone dell'attivita organizzativa e politica della lotta per la casa e' uno strumento che tra gli altri, stiamo sperimentando proprio negli ultimi mesi con l'obiettivo di favorire e stimolare la partecipazione diretta di quanti piu occupanti possibili. Considerando infatti che la composizione sociale delle nuove occupazioni e' ormai prevalentemente costituita da migranti, il problema della partecipazione si pone gia a partire dalla scarsa conoscenza della lingua italiana (4). Nella riorganizzazione del coordinamento abbiamo poi sollevato il problema delle forme d'intervento territoriale, ragionando su quali possibili strumenti di lotta adoperare per allargare e diffondere il fronte dell'emergenza abitativa a tutti quei settori sociali non ancora mobilitati.

Per cui abbiamo maturato l'idea degli sportelli (5) informativi e di lotta aperti anche in altre occupazioni come strumento di intervento e di interazione con il territorio metropolitano: concependoli quindi come uno spazio pubblico per favorire la circolazione delle informazioni, per creare nella citta momenti di confronto e riconoscimento tra precari e per immaginare comunemente possibili percorsi di lotta.

"Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi uno strumento agile e flessibile, modulato sugli interstizi della frammentazione metropolitana. Sono la risposta minimamente adeguata alle stratificazioni prodotte dalle privatizzazioni e dalle speculazioni che hanno irregimentato e ridisegnato il territorio metropolitano attraverso l'ideologia del profitto. Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi strumento di lotta, possibile spazio comune di soggettivazione, sono un luogo dove a partire dai bisogni e dai desideri comuni e' possibile sperimentare una prima forma di ricomposizione sociale". (6)

Attraverso gli sportelli stiamo tentando di rivitalizzare anche le iniziative della rete metropolitana per il reddito (7), che nell'arco degli ultimi due anni ha promosso a Roma mobilitazioni e momenti di comunicazione sociale abbastanza significativi. Per esempio sulla mobilita - occupando le metropolitane per rivendicare la gratuita dei trasporti - sul rincaro del costo della vita - con iniziative nei supermercati per reclamare la riduzione dei generi alimentari - contro le agenzie interinali - partecipando alle azioni dirette maturate in alcune manifestazioni - e ovviamente per il diritto alla casa - occupando diversi stabili abbandonati nella citta.

La lotta per la casa che e' sicuramente una della battaglie sociali piu consolidate nella storia dei movimenti romani, sta ritrovando soprattutto negli ultimi periodi una spinta sociale molto forte. Ma sta anche tentando di connettere con i percorsi materiali dell'autorganizzazione, le contraddizioni globali a quelle locali, che si dispiegano poi sui molteplici territori: e' il caso della cartolarizzazione (8) che sta svendendo il patrimonio immobiliare pubblico alle banche multinazionali, di cui alcune addirittura legate direttamente all'amministrazione Bush come la Morgan Stanley e la Carlyle.

Connettere questi piani e' necessario e fondamentale per procedere con un ordine del discorso capace da subito di trasformare il terreno della riappropriazione di reddito, come la casa, in una condizione comune di sperimentazione di pratiche volte all'affermazione costituente di nuove forme di contropotere metropolitano. Forme che, determinando quello spazio politico di soggettivazione antagonista e ribelle del precariato, tracciano instancabilmente i percorsi di resistenza e di lotta che divengono le trame dell'insubordinazione sociale diffusa di questa metropoli.

Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos!

rafael@acrobax.org

(1) www.acrobax.org

(2) Here let me take the liberty to refer the reader to my contribution to Infozoa number 16 “We demand everything! Knowledge, precarity and the citizen’s income”.

(3) In Rome the fight for housing has developed cyclically over the last thirty years, producing hundreds of occupations in numerous working class and popular neighbourhoods in the suburbs such as Torre Maura, Spinaceto, Laurentino, San Basilio, Pietralata and Cinecitta. The reappropriation of thousands of apartments in the city, mainly organized by autonomia operaia (worker’s autonomy) (which at the same time raised a broad demand for a ‘social wage’ going beyond just housing so to the reduction in the cost of electricity, water and gas) represented what was already the most socially advanced battle of the autonomous and extra-parliamentary left. Today the number of housing occupations linked to organizations such as the citizens’ coordination, the popular Committee and Action, which are in negotiations with the city administration come to several dozen and involve some two thousand units between families and individuals.

(4) For example the housing coordination’s last occupation (in a space which was formerly an airforce barracks) which is just 500 metres from our laboratory is predominantly composed of migrants coming from Equador, Peru, Morocco and Tunisia.

(5) “The intervention of the info-points in the struggle against the precariousness of life develops (si articola) on different levels starting from widespread needs: the crisis in housing, the sudden and radical precarization of the labour market and the insecurity of migrant’s situation exacerbated by the vile Bossi-Fini law.” From Infoxoa n.18 contribution of the Acrobax collective on metropolitan info-points.

(6) ibidem

(7) For us the demand for income represents the only recomposition proposal capable for this diffuse precariat that when not working off the books has contracts of a flexible, atypical, by project or intermittent and so on. We demand a guaranteed income uncoupled from work since we believe every one of us to be a continually productive social subject within the global neo-liberal supermarket. Thus an income which is unconditional– with respect to the provision of labour – and universal – distributed to all and leaving aside contractual typology – under the form of both direct monetary payment (erogazione) and indirect (that is an income that covers fundamental rights such as housing, transport, education and information through a new statute of citizenship. Obviously squatting a house and not paying a rent that often exceeds the average wage received, means posing the demand for income in terms of reappropriation and self-government and bypassing the legislative process which would in any case require a social reform such as that of “citizenship income”.

(8) Securitization (Cartolarizzazione) is a legislative instrument devised to sell off public real-estate, largely owned by social security bodies. Using the company s.c.i.p. the state is putting on the market a huge tranche of apartments which are for the most part inhabited. Banks are forcing tenants to buy their own houses at unreasonable prices, obliging in reality many to abandon them. The housing crisis generated by securitization will create at least 20,000 evictions all over Italy in the coming years, of which 10,000 in the city of Rome alone.

Two lines describing precarieta Two lines describing the effects of Bossi-Fini Explanation of the constantly productive subject.

To Link!

It is certainly not easy to describe all the different forms of metropolitan resistance in the Italian context, if we consider it a peculiar place -a sort of political laboratory- within the European Union. The risk in this account is to reduce the value of specific geographical differences that characterize the Italian peninsula and its housing movements. It seems useful then to start from analyzing my experience in an occupied building which those who live in like myself define “lab”, as an example of the varied groups in metropolitan Rome, which is complex enough to allow us to leave behind the burden of an attempt of representing the Italian context in general. Two years ago, in 2002, we occupied a building we intended to transform into a lab for the metropolitan socially precarious (???explanation? Temps? Flexible?). This place has been named Acrobax project. The people involved in the project come from different backgrounds. Some of us are computer technicians, sound engineers, delivery boys and messengers, waiters, students, researchers, third sector (service) workers, and some unemployed. Our common condition of precariousness, regardless of the type of job or contract we may have, is mostly due to a temporary source of income, never guaranteed nor secured by year or longer contracts; this is a fundamental form of unbearable constrain on our lives. The idea of Acrobax, conceived as a space, a lab and a project, gvies us useful ways to overcome the previous “centri sociali” format, an established experience in Italy in the last 15-20 years, while recognizing their importance, we also need to strengthen it as a model, moving from the need of occupied, self-managed spaces to the sharing of social needs and desires, specific to all the other precarious groups of people, who are constantly denied such needs and desires, living in metropolitan Rome. From the very beginning, we tried to link our thoughts and collective work with new antagonists- or forms of antagonism (???) -and productive subjects, knowing that we are part of a constituting social subject, emerging as multiple and heterogeneous; in short, what is being called by many political groups “precariato”. (don’t know how / if translate this term??) Far from being the contemporary proletariat, il precariato, mainly dwelling in metropolitan areas, is experimenting practices, languages e organizational models clearly beyond traditional unions, with their consolidated power structures and forms of political activity. In fact il precariato belongs to a different era, where the production and the subsequent social composition have changed radically from the context in which the proletariat formed, and which characterized historically the worker’s movement in the twentieth century. Our project is reiterating and making visible the need of shifting the planes of action, of organization and social conflict, widening our interventions on the whole social life. This vision can not be simply reduced to labor and wage contradictions as such, (@@@check Marxxxxxx terms in English))), rather, it involves all spaces of production and reproduction of life. Such shift is not just a strategic response to capitalist’s transformations enacted globally, which redesigned power relations and labor relations in the new job market; it is also a general political choice, a shift to a wide involvement of the whole social aspects (sphere) of life. This shift is crucial for us, in order to propose a new way, approach, praxis, practice of resistance, of re-appropriation and struggle. Our attempt is to tackle the complexity of precarious life, to try and leave behind both the oppressing spaces of union political practices and the indefinite spaces of antiglobalization movement. Our mobilization tries to build a social struggle from below, using direct reappropriation of housing, transportation, communication, education and training. Our goal is the actual development of social actions and subjects, which are fundamental to the transformation of existence. If we think of territoriality as a striated, post-fordist ( I used striated as opposite of smooth in Deleuze’ english translation maybe we need a different term?) space, crossed by people moving, fluxes of information and commodities, - immaterial and material circuits of production, and re-production of life- the very urban territory must be seen differently from any old vision such as the fifties and sixties’ urban structures of the neighborhoods. The new metropolitan territory, modeled by the market’s needs, is re-designed in an infinite reproduction, widening its horizons, separating and diluting spaces so that social relations, traditionally developed in the old neighborhoods are broken. Contemporary urban space constitutes a metropolis where productive transformations shape constantly the social composition of the circuits of production (does it make much sense?). In the neighborhood where we are located a great change happened in the last decade, due to the development of the third University of Rome campus; this huge project is shaping the territory in a gradual, long term process. A corporate-model new university, constantly expanding materially and immaterially, designed in contrast to the old structure of University of Roma la Sapienza (the oldest campus), the new campus is a closed spaced, separated from the social, productive context (?). In an article written for the alternative magazine INFOXOA, titled “we reclaim everything!”, I described the role of the university as a university reaching the total control over the student/workers body who live in it. A new university, innovative, “European“, in the sense of the fashionable word today. What we would call provocatively a “post- fordist” university, characterized by a distribution over the urban territory, with departments, offices and facilities such as the cafeteria and Adisu, all dislocated in various areas connected by shuttle buses. Not surprisingly, such university departments are occupying the previously industrial areas, in South West Roma where factories and plants were, among others, Alfa Romeo cars and OMI. Our lab is at the border with this area and all the South roman periphery, reaching the seaside till the town of Ostia, where there have been ongoing battles and housing resistances over a social center/squatted house project called Vittorio Occupato. We are in relations with the Vittorio project, especially because of their ability to develop an intercultural project which involves more than 200 homeless migrants. At Acrobax, we decided to evolve from a small group of people doing night shifts to a squatted housing project, today hosting twenty dwellers, which we call ‘acrobats’. Once we took this decision, we connected to the larger city movement for housing rights. Such movement has been evolving from a fight for housing in itself as a right to the wider range of the right of a basic income, in the continuum of re-appropriation of time, house and survival resource, as converging planes of a new subjectivity (?). Since then, we connected more intensely with other occupied buildings’ political groups, within the citywide coordination for housing rights, an historical coalition based in Rome since the Seventies, mainly rooted in political views and practices of autonomy. Today, the citywide coalition calls for bi-weekly meetings, in alternate schedule with the specific areas coalitions’ meetings. This city network also allows for a stronger rooting of the areas specific coalitions, which adds to the variety of forms of political struggles. Such territorially based organization of activism around housing struggles is a tool we have been experimenting with, hoping to involve participation of a larger numbers of squatters. Considering that the social composition of new occupations is mainly immigrant groups, participation is already difficult because of language barriers. We are also trying to take into account the variety of territorially based mobilization: there are areas in which housing emergency has not yet brought to a mobilization of the inhabitants, which poses the problem on what to do to widen the participation. In this regard, we opened “information booths” in different occupied buildings, to inform and improve communication among different groups and metropolitan areas. Such information tools are thought of as a public space aimed at helping information circulation, opening new occasions of debate and exchange among the precarious population, so to produce a new imagination of shared forms of struggle. The so called “metropolitan information booths” are used as a flexible, fast tool for struggle, able to reach the fragmentary urban areas, to involve various subjects, starting from the specific needs and desires. They are an answer to stratification caused by privations and investments, both moved by pure profit logic, with its awful effect of a gradually increasing control and redesign of urban spaces. We believe that such information booths open possible a new form of social recomposition. For example, through such booths we are also connecting and re-vitalizing the metropolitan network for the right to an income. This network, in the last two years, organized important events of social communication and mobilization in Rome. They occupied the subway to reclaim free access to transportation, against the increased fees and costs of living. They mobilized with actions in large grocery stores to ask for a reduction of the cost of food. Finally, they were involved in direct action and demonstrations against temp-work agencies, and to occupation of many abandoned buildings around the city, a more traditional action for the housing rights network. In conclusion, the struggle for housing is one of the most relevant and historically successful in the history of Roma’s movements; recently there has been an increasing social strength. In this context, our attempt is to connect material aspects of autonomous organizing, to connect global and local contradictions, as the unfold in multiple places. One of the examples is the selling of public building and real estate of Rome( called cartolarizzazione), often being sold to multinational corporations or consulting firms, closely related to the Bush administration, such as the Carlyle Group and Morgan & Stanley. The connection among these planes is crucial to be able to develop a discourse able to transform the grounds of housing and income expropriation, experimenting and sharing conditions and direct practices, able to constitute new forms of metropolitan counter power. (contropotere ?). Such forms can define a political space for a new rebellious subject, the precariato, able to fight across new paths of resistance, to weave the fabric of social insubordination spreading in this metropolis. Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos! ( barricades close the streets but open new paths!) **find exact expression**

Certo che descrivere in maniera esaustiva le diverse esperienze e forme di resistenza metropolitana che si danno nel contesto italiano (particolare laboratorio politico della comunita europea) e' cosa complicata che rischia di non valorizzare a pieno le particolarita territoriali che percorrono in lungo e in largo tutta la penisola.

Quindi forse risultera piu congeniale partire da alcune considerazioni soggettive maturate dentro un'esperienza collettiva (come quella del laboratorio occupato nel quale vivo) prendendole per piu come riferimento dello ìspaccato metropolitanoî romano, che non al contrario come riferimento completo dell'intero contesto italiano.

Due anni fa abbiamo occupato uno spazio - Acrobax project - che abbiamo voluto chiamare laboratorio del precariato metropolitano.

"Siamo tecnici informatici, fonici, facchini, camerieri, operatori del terzo settore, studenti/borsisti, disoccupati. La condizione di precarieta che ci accomuna, a prescindere dalla tipologia lavorativa e contrattuale di ciascuno, scaturisce dall'intermittenza di un reddito non continuato, non garantito, fonte di ricatto insopportabile".(1)

Abbiamo intenzione con questo progetto, di contribuire al rilancio ma anche al superamento dell'esperienza storica dei centri sociali e degli spazi occupati, ponendo al centro della nostra attivita i bisogni sociali e i desideri comuni, che vengono quotidianamente negati a noi, come a tutti gli altri precari che vivono questa metropoli.

Da subito abbiamo calato la nostra riflessione e il nostro lavoro collettivo sulle nuove forme antagoniste espresse dalle emergenti soggettivita produttive, che costituiscono appunto quel soggetto sociale, molteplice ed eterogeneo, che ormai da piu parti e' indicato genericamente come "precariato".

Lungi dall'essere la traslazione di quello che fu storicamente il proletariato - non solo per una generale trasformazione del contesto produttivo ma anche per una relativa e conseguente mutazione interna alla stessa composizione sociale - il precariato che vive oggi nelle metropoli sperimenta ormai da tempo pratiche, linguaggi e forme organizzative, che hanno il dichiarato intento di superare la forma sindacale tradizionale che invece aveva caratterizzato storicamente il novecentesco movimento operaio.

Vogliamo per questo ribadire con il nostro progetto la necessita di ridislocare i piani d'azione di organizzazione e di conflitto, allargando il nostro intervento a tutta la sfera sociale dell'uomo. Che ovviamente non si riduce semplicemente nella contraddizione lavorativa e salariale tout court, ma che al contrario investe progressivamente tutti gli spazi di produzione e riproduzione di vita.

Non e' solo una scelta strategica a fronte del fatto che le trasformazioni che il capitalismo ha messo in campo su scala globale hanno completamente rimodulato i rapporti di forza sui "nuovi posti" di lavoro, ma e' anche una scelta politica di piu ampio respiro che vuole coinvolgere l'intera sfera sociale della vita, per poter cosÏ rilanciare un concreto percorso di resistenza, di riappropriazione e di lotta.

Cercando di aggredire la dimensione complessa della precarieta, proviamo a superare tanto gli angusti spazi della pratica sindacale quanto gli indefiniti spazi del movimento no-global.

Ci mobilitiamo infatti per costruire dal basso lotte sociali che sul terreno della riappropriazione diretta della casa dei trasporti della formazione come della comunicazione, si pongono l'obiettivo dello sviluppo concreto di quel protagonismo sociale: prerequisito fondamentale dei processi di trasformazione dell'esistente.

I percorsi di lotta che portiamo avanti dalla casa ai trasporti al reddito garantito, si sviluppano principalmente all'interno di una dimensione territoriale. Ovviamente il contesto metropolitano, attraversato e ridisegnato dai processi di trasformazione e ristrutturazione del capitale globale, obbliga a ridefinire il concetto di territorio, imponendo ai movimenti di lotta un'eterodossa e dinamica analisi progettuale.

Se il territorio e' lo spazio striato dalla produzione postfordista, attraversato dalla circolazione di persone, merci servizi e flussi informativi - quindi da circuiti materiali ed immateriali di produzione e riproduzione di vita - lo stesso territorio metropolitano, andra svincolato da qualsiasi visione corrispondente al vecchio sistema-quartiere della struttura urbana degli anni 50/60.

Il territorio metropolitano modellato costantemente in base alle esigenze produttive del mercato, si riconfigura nelle sue articolazioni e si riproduce all'infinito allargando il suo perimetro a perdita d'occhio, dilazionando e separando in tal modo le relazioni sociali tradizionalmente consolidate nei vecchi quartieri popolari.

Lo spazio metropolitano infatti si costituisce urbanisticamente, attestandosi sui luoghi della trasformazone produttiva plasmando e rimodulando costantemente la composizione sociale interna al suo stesso circuito. Per esempio nella nostra zona, il terzo polo universitario di Roma, nell'arco degli ultimi dieci anni ha innescato un immenso progetto di ridefinizione territoriale che sostanzialmente si e' sempre mosso in questa direzione.

"Un ateneo imprenditoriale in continua espansione materiale ed immateriale, sostanzialmente pensato in contrapposizione all'ormai desueta strutturazione della Sapienza, una cittadella universitaria chiusa in spazi ben definiti e separati dal tessuto produttivo. Un'universita che ora ha definitivamente irrigimentato il bacino di forza lavoro/utenza che la popola. Un ateneo innovativo, avanzato, molto "europeo", come si dice oggi. Un universita che, con una piccola provocazione, potremmo definire 'post-fordista' in senso pieno. Esemplare e' il suo modello di sviluppo urbanistico, che investe i territori, con le sue facolta dislocate, con i suoi servizi di trasporto, tipo "navette", che collegano le facolta alle segreterie, alla mensa, all'Adisu. Non e' un caso infatti che molte facolta abbiano preso fisicamente il posto di quelli che una volta erano le grandi fabbriche di Roma Sudovest, come l'Alfaromeo, l'ex Omi, etc." (2)

Il territorio che attraversiamo con il laboratorio e le relazioni di lotta che costruiamo quotidianamente, incrociano non solo la zona che ci e' immediatamente vicina, ma tutto il cono sud di Roma fino al mare, dove nella localita di ostia resiste e lotta da ben tredici anni un altro laboratorio socio abitativo, il Vittorio occupato, che sviluppa un progetto interculturale con piu di 200 senza casa, tutti migranti. Ad Acrobax dopo un primo periodo di occupazione, abbiamo deciso di trasformare il presidio notturno del laboratorio in un vero e proprio progetto abitativo (che attualmente comprende una ventina di acrobati). Solo allora ci siamo posti la questione di un movimento di lotta per la casa piu largo e cittadino. Un movimento che cominciasse a porre seriamente la rivendicazione della casa dentro una piu ampia rivendicazione di reddito, a partire gia da quello espropriato, individuando proprio il terreno della riappropriazione della casa, come un primo inevitabile piano di soggettivazione. E da allora e' nato il rapporto ormai sempre piu intenso con le altre occupazioni abitative, legate al coordinamento cittadino di lotta per la casa, storica struttura romana, legata al percorso politico dell'autorganizzazione sociale degli anni 70. (3).

Il coordinamento cittadino convoca le proprie assemblee generali ogni quindici giorni, intervallate da coordinamenti territoriali nelle altre due settimane. Attraverso questa forma a rete le diverse assemblee di zona tentano di stabilire una relazione territoriale piu solida per poter favorire con piu continuita l'incontro di molteplici percorsi di lotta.

La divisione per zone dell'attivita organizzativa e politica della lotta per la casa e' uno strumento che tra gli altri, stiamo sperimentando proprio negli ultimi mesi con l'obiettivo di favorire e stimolare la partecipazione diretta di quanti piu occupanti possibili. Considerando infatti che la composizione sociale delle nuove occupazioni e' ormai prevalentemente costituita da migranti, il problema della partecipazione si pone gia a partire dalla scarsa conoscenza della lingua italiana (4). Nella riorganizzazione del coordinamento abbiamo poi sollevato il problema delle forme d'intervento territoriale, ragionando su quali possibili strumenti di lotta adoperare per allargare e diffondere il fronte dell'emergenza abitativa a tutti quei settori sociali non ancora mobilitati.

Per cui abbiamo maturato l'idea degli sportelli (5) informativi e di lotta aperti anche in altre occupazioni come strumento di intervento e di interazione con il territorio metropolitano: concependoli quindi come uno spazio pubblico per favorire la circolazione delle informazioni, per creare nella citta momenti di confronto e riconoscimento tra precari e per immaginare comunemente possibili percorsi di lotta.

"Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi uno strumento agile e flessibile, modulato sugli interstizi della frammentazione metropolitana. Sono la risposta minimamente adeguata alle stratificazioni prodotte dalle privatizzazioni e dalle speculazioni che hanno irregimentato e ridisegnato il territorio metropolitano attraverso l'ideologia del profitto. Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi strumento di lotta, possibile spazio comune di soggettivazione, sono un luogo dove a partire dai bisogni e dai desideri comuni e' possibile sperimentare una prima forma di ricomposizione sociale". (6)

Attraverso gli sportelli stiamo tentando di rivitalizzare anche le iniziative della rete metropolitana per il reddito (7), che nell'arco degli ultimi due anni ha promosso a Roma mobilitazioni e momenti di comunicazione sociale abbastanza significativi. Per esempio sulla mobilita - occupando le metropolitane per rivendicare la gratuita dei trasporti - sul rincaro del costo della vita - con iniziative nei supermercati per reclamare la riduzione dei generi alimentari - contro le agenzie interinali - partecipando alle azioni dirette maturate in alcune manifestazioni - e ovviamente per il diritto alla casa - occupando diversi stabili abbandonati nella citta.

La lotta per la casa che e' sicuramente una della battaglie sociali piu consolidate nella storia dei movimenti romani, sta ritrovando soprattutto negli ultimi periodi una spinta sociale molto forte. Ma sta anche tentando di connettere con i percorsi materiali dell'autorganizzazione, le contraddizioni globali a quelle locali, che si dispiegano poi sui molteplici territori: e' il caso della cartolarizzazione (8) che sta svendendo il patrimonio immobiliare pubblico alle banche multinazionali, di cui alcune addirittura legate direttamente all'amministrazione Bush come la Morgan Stanley e la Carlyle.

Connettere questi piani e' necessario e fondamentale per procedere con un ordine del discorso capace da subito di trasformare il terreno della riappropriazione di reddito, come la casa, in una condizione comune di sperimentazione di pratiche volte all'affermazione costituente di nuove forme di contropotere metropolitano. Forme che, determinando quello spazio politico di soggettivazione antagonista e ribelle del precariato, tracciano instancabilmente i percorsi di resistenza e di lotta che divengono le trame dell'insubordinazione sociale diffusa di questa metropoli.

Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos!

rafael@acrobax.org

(1) www.acrobax.org

(2) Mi permetto di rinviare ad un mio contributo su Infoxoa n 16, ìReclamiamo tutto! Saperi, precarieta e reddito di cittadinanzaî.

(3) La lotta per la casa a Roma si e' sviluppata ciclicamente nel corso degli ultimi trent'anni, producendo centinaia di occupazioni in moltissimi quartieri popolari e borgate periferiche come Torre maura, Spinaceto, Laurentino, San Basilio, Ostia, Pietralata, Cinecitta. La riappropriazione di migliaia di appartamenti nella citta prevalentemente organizzata dall'autonomia operaia (che nel contempo poneva dentro l'ampia rivendicazione del salario sociale, oltre alla casa anche le riduzioni di luce, acqua e gas) rappresentava gia allora la battaglia socialmente piu avanzata della sinistra autonoma ed extraparlamentare. Oggi le occupazioni appartenenti alle organizzazioni di lotta come il coordinamento cittadino, il comitato popolare ed action, che sono ancora in trattativa con il comune arrivano a qualche decina, per un totale di 2000 nuclei tra familiari e single.

(4) Per esempio l'ultima occupazione del coordinamento (lo spazio era un ex caserma dell'aeronautica) situa a 500 metri dal nostro laboratorio, e' composta prevalentemente da migranti provenienti dall'Equador, dal Peru, dal marocco e dalla tunisia.

(5) L'intervento degli sportelli nella lotta contro la precarieta di vita si articola su diversi piani a partire dai bisogni diffusi: in particolare l'emergenza della precarieta abitativa, la repentina e radicale precarizzazione del mercato del lavoro e l'incertezza della condizione dei migranti aggravata dall'infame legge Bossi-Finiî da infoxoa n 18, contributo del collettivo Acrobax su gli sportelli metropolitani

(6) Ibidem

(7) La rivendicazione di reddito per noi rappresenta l'unica possibile proposta ricompositiva per tutto quel precariato diffuso che, quando non e' a nero, vive con contratti atipici, flessibili, interinali, a progetto, intermittenti e cosÏ via. Rivendichiamo un reddito garantito sganciato dalla prestazione lavorativa formale, poiche' crediamo che ognuno di noi e', dentro l'ipermercato globale neoliberista, un soggetto sociale costantemente produttivo. Quindi un reddito incondizionato — rispetto alla prestazione lavorativa — ed universale - erogato a tutti, a prescindere dalla tipologia contrattuale — sotto forma di erogazione monetaria diretta, e indiretta (cioe' un reddito che copra attraverso un nuovo statuto di cittadinanza i diritti fondamentali come la casa, l'informazione, i trasporti, la formazione, etc). Ovviamente occupare una casa non pagando l'affitto che molte volte supera il salario medio percepito, significa porre la rivendicazione di reddito gia sul terreno della riappropriazione e dell'autogoverno, scavalcando l'iter legislativo che necessiterebbe comunque una riforma sociale quale quella del ìreddito di cittadinanzaî.

(8) la cartolarizzazione e' un dispositivo di legge che si occupa di svendere il patrimonio residenziale pubblico, prevalentemente di proprieta degli enti previdenziali. Attraverso la societa s.c.i.p. lo stato sta mettendo sul mercato una fetta enorme di appartamenti, per la maggioranza abitati. Le banche stanno costringendo gli inquilini a comprare a prezzi inaccessibili le loro stesse case, obbligando di fatto molti ad abbandonarle. L'emergenza abitativa causata dalla cartolarizzazione creera nei prossimi anni almeno 20000 sfratti in tutta l'italia, di cui 10000 solo nella citta di Roma.

To anyone who read this..

I'm looking for any used book, preferably Karl Marx's "das kapital" for 5 bucks.

Shock & Shake The Internet & The Whole World. When Anarchists Come Together

It seems that all the attempts to bring down capitalism through a revolution in the past have totally failed. It failed because the theory of Marx and The French Communards was faulty and revolutionarily insufficient. The capitalist system can either die on it’s own accord, which might take a long time (it’s unnatural historical life-span), or terminating the capitalist structure by us the neo-anarcho-revolutionaries with the full support of the majority of the impoverished people.

Capitalists today as before exist only through their organized violence and brute military/police and monetary coercive force. But now it seems that the evolution of consciousness is beginning to catch up pace, the socio-evolutionary sphere has increased its developmental velocity. A revolution operating within an evolutionary adaptation necessity. This 21st century it is going to become the burial ground for this cruel and utterly inhumane system, that has tortured humanity for thousands of years, thus at last the ending of hierarchy, authority and theology.

You work, you produce the product, and yet they get 99% of the profit, the owners of raw materials and the means of production. This massive historical daylight global robbery of humanity, by a system known as capitalism that enriches few hundreds families at a cost of the starving rest.

Anarchy is an excellent replacement for the capitalist system. Most anarchists have yet to further develop and reach the required meta-theory and its practice; this is essential for the creation of a new and a different world.

Situationism, primitivism, green anarchists, platformism, syndicalism, workerism and many more varieties are premature pseudo-anarchism. Incomplete theory clinging anachronistically to tradition and party organization, the dead wait of the failed reactionary past.

The anarchic meta-theory exists with ample practice and application. It will take it some time to penetrate every brain on this planet. It will spread psychologically (epistemologically) and emotionally (ontologically) to every person on earth. Some will advance faster than others, but eventually everyone with their contradictory past will rise to a higher level of existence unknown before. Deterministic dissolution and resolution of all antagonistic negations to be replaced by a newly formed mentality, a new anarchic being, the most creative of all.

Self-created anarchist, a new human being without the diseases of the past, the most conscious ever to exist in the one million years of the existence of the modern human race. Equipped with total knowledge and courage humanity will learn to self-determine it’s happiness and full liberation.

Whilst you are stuck with your minute brains, playing like kids with make belief and still playing games whilst your personal life is falling apart with the world around it. To add also the serious complications about their sexuality and its real de-satisfaction. Hiding underneath shallow banners, pretending to be what they are not, with well to do fiscal background that allows them to become sleazily lazy and pompously blown out of proportion as a perverted reaction to sever lack of love in their existence and a total loss of sexual pleasure. Thus their need to dominate and their obvious lust for power where the bigger the inferiority the bigger the lust for control. So I suggest as a therapy, the complete transformation of these cyber-individuals, from a state of sexual and emotional desperation to a state of being really loved for what they are, which is a long way to go but it is never too late. Some individuals will have to be loved some how, if we want to cure them from this deep alienation that they find themselves in. how can you love and create and be free with some ones like these. So lets see what metamorphosis they well undergo in the coming future.

Some limited persons pretending to be anarchists. Be ware of those who call themselves anarchists, some are bad anarchists. They are simply spoiled middle class kids trying on playing with anarchism and then end up at their parents’ savings and kindling. And to those grown up anarchists be ware of those who also call themselves anarchists, those ones that seriously play with party, discipline and organization. Which is just another form of sacrifice ideology for the good of the leader. So go and find a nipple to suck from, you are too premature for such a powerful phenomenon.

Sorry my friend and with all due respect all you say is passe.

French or no French, intellectual academics are always anti-revolutionary. In time of total capitalism there is a total rejection of philosophy and its lackeys. All they do is play with few words which they stick to them to the end, until they get lost again and start with another bullshit to impress the hungry layman and to fiscally-intellectually survive. Philosophers are finished; they shell lay in archives in the basements. They have nothing to offer us now, but pompous mechanized terminology, which also lack any imagination and practical meaning. Therefore my friend allow me to cancel all of them in one stroke, after reading them of course and don’t bother to spread their cowardice rhetorical quasi-radicalism. They have nothing to contribute to anarchy or to the revolution beside their desperate effort like Chomsky and others, to be as close to anarchism as possible from fear of remaining forgotten behind.

Struggle with the oppressed

Capitalism is a crime; capitalists are criminals, for every happy capitalist millions suffer. Right-wing people are ugly people inside, they are very selfish and for greed they are ready to step on anyone and anything. Liberalism of war, a stupid concept that gives the conservatives a ‘humane face’. The rest are a just victim of capitalism and capitalists. During the revolution, all capitalists will be sent to a camp designed to rehabilitate all capitalists, so they could return and live naturally in society without exploiting the planet and the poor. Most of you are stuck in total alienation and the task of your liberation isn’t easy. We can help humanity get out of its pain and anguish and dismantle the state and capital. Instead real happiness and equality will prevail. Any capitalist or chauvinist who wishes to return to capitalism, will be re-directed again to a recreational drug and heavy rock therapy. This way we can ensure that no person will ever exploit or oppress another fellow being. They well have to leave alone nature as well. Big companies like tanks and cars did not inherit nature. Nature belongs to no one and no one is allowed to destroy it for profit and power struggles = war + profit. So you either become an anarchist or remain a nasty alienated sick being, who is ready for money to destroy the universe. It only shows how small and little the capitalists and the right-wingers are but it also shows the beauty of anarchists.

It is not enough to think, even monkeys think. But you have to know why you think what you think. You must know why you are thinking what you are thinking and what are the causes and reasons behind it. Without this you are just an alienation reflector thinking, i.e., modern brainwashed personalities like most of the individuals at this pro-right wing capitalist forum, beside some few good anarchists. But most individuals here are at loss with what to do with their surplus money. Having all this fiscal privilege the still behave and react as individuals stuck with pro-capitalist rabies convulsions. They want to shut off my piercing and sharp criticism that is beyond their epistemological ability. For understanding this please refer to the said above. As to their ontological state of being it is permanently in a self-failed crisis of chronic dissatisfaction and sever lack of genuine erotic or creative pleasures in their lives. The result is shown from their quasi-intellectual reflex-conditionings. Yet I didn’t lose hope in humanity regardless of what they say of its nature, also unity because of my stupidity is very welcomed and enthusiastically encouraged.

The anarchic revolution of the 21st century

No one wants to take your private property, as long it is not a social mean of production. You cannot own the air I breathe or the water I drink or the food I eat. All these will be free in an emancipated society. You can have your underwear that’s ok with me, but you cannot own the land we live on or the river we swim in. Anarchists will eliminate the private ownership of the social means of production. This is owned by all and for all.

I get history from existence

One-day god wanted to check on how his people live, so he landed in the Holy Land and started walking around. Some fishermen sitting in an open cafe asked him to join them for tea and a smoke. He accepted the invitation and sat with them. One of the anglers asked who he was, so god answered him that he was god, so the fishermen said to him, hey it must be very good stuff.

To right-wing Americans only

You should be ashamed to be an American

Well since no body wants to respond to this redneck jerk. I spit on you and your country you stupid retarded little American. I am glad that not all Americans are like you, I spit on all the soldiers that die in wars, they wanted to serve their state then let them die for it. America is the ugliest entity in the universe close to Israel in it ranking. You believe that America discovered every thing that costs money but you are wrong Mr. KKK US made human degenerate and sub-developed inner personality. The coca cola mentality of Texas. So get of this thread you capitalist garbage of history. You are bad to humanity like America, you are bad to the planet like America and you are very bad for us just like your sweet ex-slave-owner Yankees, a nation of aliens loving genocide and sweatshops.

To non-right wing

Thank you for being so polite, to the questions:

Why the so-called impossible is impossible?

1) Large amount of history’s knowledge is available and applicable to anyone in the present. Nothing was destroyed in the past, passing from one generation to other; knowledge was transferred and later into books. So if you read all the worthwhile books ever written for example, you would have read all the knowledge available. 2) You can know exactly how much you know through the simple fact of permanent testing. You cannot argue with the evidence. What I am saying is, that knowledge is there to be learnt and become known, and I am here to make this process a bit easier.

Sorry but my job is to raise the layman to me. I don’t turn to god but god turns to me.

A – Post-biotic mutual-aid = Convictions coming from the inside of the self – voluntary. a- Post-survival mutual-aid = conscious understanding of the mutual benefit of mutual-aid. B – coerced mutual aid is mutual self-destruction, like today.

The instinct of freedom remained locked in cages for centuries. It has forgotten the sensual and mental experience but retained its reflex. This conditional reflex, inserted deeply in our ancestral wilderness has come to implode and then explode creating a post-cage state. Show the people how to experience freedom, remind them of how is it to be happy and free. Awaken the sleepy prisoner and tell him that the time of liberation has dawned. Treat their chronic amnesia and freedom phobia, by showing how much pleasure they are missing and losing, stimulate their natural desires and compassion. Show the people how it is to be free and creative, how to learn and dare to advance to a higher matrixes of conscious development. At a certain stage of revolution the might of mass conscious will be unleashed treading underneath its raving heal on the miserable social conditions of our past.

[Y] Right as usual, yes consumption is a symptom of a sick society. Sick consumption is what remains of what capitalism can offer. But after the revolution this will immediately stop and free centers of distribution will be available instead. You can take as much as you want and need free of charge and without money.

[X] Yes it is I hi, nice to have you here as well, welcome to the front line headquarters.

WR3 = World Revolution III Atomic reactors/accelerators for the production of neutron LsD Hydrogen + H3 reactor for the production of pure atomic EcstasY

We want a shorter working Year

give us a shorter working Life

more time for the husband

more time for the wife

more time for the children and more time for friends

more time for meditate more time to create

more time for living more time for life

more time we need more time Give we more time

LKJ, "More Time"

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