Radical media, politics and culture.

In the Streets

The Precarity Map is online!

http://www.precarity-map.net/

It is the first step of The WebRing for Communication and Militant
Research on
Precarity which intends to produce and share knowledge, experiences and
materials
among labour conflicts and life struggles around precarity.

The P_WR is an open platform and an evolving network connecting activism
already
involved in the EuroMayDay mobilisations. Its main aims are: to
visualize and
intensify the density of militant groups and struggles, to outline a
space for
debate, research and political action, and finally to construct common
practices,
concepts and notions for developing a militant co-research “with”
(instead of
“on”) precarious subjects and their/our struggles.

In the next time the map will be interactive and you could join directly
your
experiences. At now to connect your militant groups or struggle with the
Precarity
Map you can link the web site and fill the nod card.

Lets go, fill the cards and join the P_WR

... And we say: MayDay MayDay!

nolympics writes:


"Car Bombs with Wings:
A History of the Car Bomb" (Part 2)
Mike Davis

The CIA's Car Bomb University (the 1980s)

"The CIA officers that Yousef worked with closely impressed upon him one rule: never use the terms sabotage or assassination when speaking with visiting congressmen." — Steve Coll, Ghost Wars

Gunboat diplomacy had been defeated by car bombs in Lebanon, but the Reagan administration and, above all, CIA Director William Casey were left thirsting for revenge against Hezbollah. "Finally in 1985," according to the Washington Post's Bob Woodward in Veil, his book on Casey's career, "he worked out with the Saudis a plan to use a car bomb to kill [Hezbollah leader] Sheikh Fadlallah who they determined was one of the people behind, not only the Marine barracks, but was involved in the taking of American hostages in Beirut… It was Casey on his own, saying, ‘I‘m going to solve the big problem by essentially getting tougher or as tough as the terrorists in using their weapon — the car bomb.'"

The Story Behind the Zapatista Red Alert:

Other Campaign Arrives at
Zero Hour

Bertha Rodri'guez Santos and Al Giordano, NarcoNews

MEXICO CITY — From his first statements early this morning on Mexico City's
historic Alameda, Zapatista Insurgent Subcomandante Marcos was clearly
informed about — and visibly bothered by — the police riot underway in the
nearby city of Texcoco, where 800 heavily armed riot cops stormed the local
flower growers' market in the dawn's early light, leading to a violent
nationally televised standoff between the firearms of above and the
worktools of below. By the afternoon — after "Delegate Zero" traveled
through downtown Mexico City by foot, by subway and by motorcycle, through
its most working-class neighborhoods, listening to the grievances of the
people — he exploded in the Plaza of the Three Cultures: The Zapatistas have
gone on Red Alert, the Other Campaign is suspended, and Marcos is heading to
the scene of the crime to confront the Mexican State.

"To the death, if that's what it takes," as he said two days ago during a
mass meeting in front of the national palace.


And now, the Red Alert.

nolympics writes:


"The Poor Man's Air Force:
A History of the Car Bomb" (Part 1)
Mike Davis

Buda's Wagon (1920)

"You have shown no pity to us! We will do likewise. We will dynamite you!" — Anarchist warning (1919)

On a warm September day in 1920, a few months after the arrest of his comrades Sacco and Vanzetti, a vengeful Italian anarchist named Mario Buda parked his horse-drawn wagon near the corner of Wall and Broad Streets, directly across from J. P. Morgan Company.

He nonchalantly climbed down and disappeared, unnoticed, into the lunchtime crowd. A few blocks away, a startled postal worker found strange leaflets warning: "Free the Political Prisoners or it will be Sure Death for All of You!" They were signed: "American Anarchist Fighters." The bells of nearby Trinity Church began to toll at noon. When they stopped, the wagon — packed with dynamite and iron slugs — exploded in a fireball of shrapnel.

Anonymous Comrade writes:

A Combative May Day in Santiago, Chile
Hommodolars Media Collective

The following is a new communiqué from the Hommodolars media collective. We send an international greeting to all of those who participated in this past May Day. From immigrant workers who went on strike in North America to protests in the most ignored—by the imperialist media—corners of the world, we are in an international struggle.

Diverse organizations took part in the action called for this May 1st in commemoration of the international worker’s day in Santiago, Chile which began at the corner of Alameda and Portugal, the neurological center of the capital. While the Central Union of Workers (CUT) presented a “show” to “celebrate” the day of “work,” diverse groups welcomed the call to make the day a day of “proletarian struggle.” Assisted by the march, but without marching together with the CUT, and while Tommy Rey had been dancing to his music, an ample and radical group commemorated this date through symbolic direct actions against icons of capital and confrontations with those that sustain it (the pigs).

Mass media are reporting that masked demonstrators destroyed symbols of capitalism throughout downtown Santiago. They also engaged in numerous confrontations with Chilean pigs. By the end of the day, there were 74 arrests.

Zapatistas Announce May Day Labor Rally

Al Giordano

In Nezahualcoyotl, Marcos Announces that May 1 Labor March “Will Meet In
Front of the U.S. Embassy” in Mexico City...
Thousands of Workers in “Neza
York” Greet the Zapatista Subcomandante and Join with the Other Campaign

NEZAHUALCOYOTL, MEXICO STATE, APRIL 26, 2006: Zapatista Subcomandante
Marcos was received this afternoon by thousands of urban workers from the
rough-and-tumble metropolis of Nezahualcoyotl that borders Mexico City.
Street vendors, factory, retail and construction workers, laid off
meatpackers, taxi and bus drivers, teachers, immigrants from Oaxaca and
other Mexican states, and former immigrants that returned from working in
the United States, plus their sons and daughters from grade schools,
junior highs, and high schools – many who flocked directly from class to
the afternoon rally in front of City Hall still wearing their school
uniforms – gave “Delegate Zero” a warm and attentive welcome.


It was there that Marcos decided to drop an information bomb on two
governmental powers: the Mexican federal government and “the Yankee
Embassy” of Washington and Wall Street: The May Day workers march,
announced last February in Tlaxcala by the Zapatista spokesman, will
assemble in front of that United States Embassy, Monday, at noon, on ritzy
Paseo de la Reforma, on the very same day that Mexicans and
Mexican-Americans across the U.S. border will march and many will strike
from their jobs in protest of repressive measures against them up North.

Zapatista Network Call

To the compañer@s in every corner of the so-called US and Canada,

To all the peoples of the continent named America,

To the struggling Peoples of the Global South and the world,

To all the adherents of the Sixth Declaration, the Other Campaign, and the
International Campaign,

To the national and international alternative press

We, the Zapatista Network, are reaching out as a newly emerging “network of
networks” to invite companer@s in the so-called U.S. and Canada to “walk
together” as Zapatista grassroots and community-based groups who support the
Zapatistas and are inspired by Zapatismo. Our intent has been to create
spaces of
encounter so that diverse groups can share ideas, resources and projects
as part
of a larger process to strengthen each collectives’ work, solidarity
efforts, and
rebellion. We also aim to promote and support the formation of new Zapatista
inspired collectives. By saying “network of networks” we propose one of many
overlapping webs of resistance taking place all over the world.

Since January 1, 1994 when the EZLN declared ¡Ya Basta! Mexican and
International
Civil Society have responded in solidarity creating a broad base of
support. The
Zapatistas’ commitment to encounter and dialogue has made it possible to
collectively imagine “a world where many worlds fit.” Some communities
working in
solidarity with the Zapatistas have responded with aid, while others used
direct
action to help halt the military and state repression, drawing attention
to the
low intensity war directed against the Zapatistas. The response to the
Zapatista
rebellion has been unique not only in its diversity but its intensity.
Solidarity
efforts have served to keep people informed, provide material support, and
protest the cruel excesses of military and state repression. More
importantly,
communities around the world and in the US have pursued their own resistance
locally, attempting to imagine and realize a different way of doing politics.

In August 2004 the Committee of Indigenous Solidarity-DC-Zapatistas sent
out a
call to form a zapatista network in the U.S. and Canada that was initially
referred to as red “Plan Morelia-Polo Norte” (in response to and in
solidarity
with the Plan La Realidad-Tijuana in Mexico). This call was made in order to
construct one avenue of many for zapatista inspired groups in this region of
America to dialogue and construct networks of support. Of the Zapatista
related
collectives and groups who responded to this initial call, we began talking
together about encuentro, Zapatismo, Zapatista solidarity and how to reach
out to
others so that we all know that we are not alone.

The Precarious-Euro Insurrection

By Franco "Bifo" Berardi

A new European cycle

The fight of the French precarious cognitive workers can be the beginning of a new political and cultural cycle in Europe. They occupied the schools with the conscience of being together, students, cognitive and precarious workers in the fluid cycle of recomposing capital. And that represents a new fact, which was never expressed, with such clearness, in recent student struggles.

That this be quite clear: the French precarious cognitive workers raise a question which is directly European, even if it is true, as Villepin says, that the CPE is much better than the slave regulations which govern other countries, above all Italy. The Biaggi law and the Treu "package" are a hundred times worse than the CPE that the French students are fighting.

Thus it is clear that if they win, the question will be posed immediately in each European country.

If the French students defeat the CPE, this will certainly not mean that they will have beaten precariousness, this will only mean that they will have pushed back the legal formalization of precarity. And thus, they will have opened a new phase in the social history of Europe. A phase of struggle and social invention which, beyond neoliberal slavery, will make it possible to formulate new rules, new criteria of regulation of the labor-capital relation.

Latin America's Autonomous Organizing

By Marie Trigona


Activists met in Uruguay for the fourth Latin American Conference of Popular Autonomous Organizations in February. Over 300 activist
delegates from Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile and Uruguay organized this year's annual event as a space to strategize autonomous
organizing and coordinate direct actions. This year's conference, held February 24-26, focused on building popular power in Latin America among organizations autonomous from the state, political parties and NGO's.

The participating organizations orient towards class struggle and
libertarian practices-grass roots organizing, direct democracy and mutual solidarity. Within the debate of how to build popular power, delegates discussed how people can solve their own problems without depending on the state or any other institution. The current context of Latin American governmental politics emerged as a focal point
during the two-day meeting. In each of the corresponding nations,
social organizations have faced new challenges due to the resurgence of "progressive" social democratic victories. Take, for example, the case of Uruguay's social movements. Many of Uruguay's social movements have demobilized after the inauguration of Tabare Vazquez. All eyes looked to Bolivia with the recent victory of MAS leader, Evo Morales. In all of the workshops, participants discussed how to prevent growing expectations in social democratic governments from impeding the
accumulation of popular power.

Everything at the congress was auto-gestionado (self-managed), from the olla popular (collectively cooked meal) to cleaning and
maintenance. Artists performed spontaneous theatre and Afro-Uruguayan popular music, Candome, into the wee-hours of the night. The 200
participants represented a diverse array of activist work and focuses that included human rights groups, community centers, alternative
media outlets, anarchist organizations, unemployed worker
organizations, student groups, popular education teams, movement of card board collectors, and several worker unions participating. Beyond each group's focus, activists within each country are working to
create venues for political formation and popular education as part of a larger plan for an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist Latin America.

PIPS writes: Provflux 2006
June 1–4, 2006, Providence, Rhode Island

"The Providence Initiative for Psychogeographic Studies (PIPS) is pleased to announce its third annual Provflux, a weekend-long event dedicated to artistic and social investigations in psychogeography. Part festival and part conference, it brings together visual, performance, and new media artists, along with writers, urban adventurers and the general public. Events will take place throughout Providence to explore the physical and psychological landscape of the city. Provflux 2006 will be held concurrent with the (Conference for New Urbanism).

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