Radical media, politics and culture.

In the Streets

The falsification of May 1968 in France

NOT BORED!

(Note from NOT BORED!: We had planned to translate this entire book, which was written in 1998 by Maurice Rajsfus. But while translating its first chapter, we discovered that it is Leftist horseshit, full of disinformation about the May 1968 movement, and so doesn't merit being translated. We have contented ourselves with providing critical footnotes to the chapters we had already translated before making our decision to abandon our efforts.)

May 68
Under the paving stones, the repression (May 1968-March 1974)


The Assassination of a Utopia

When one does not assassinate men, one strives, despite everything, to kill ideas. The murder ritual is nonetheless realized. Times have changed in our civilized West and one no longer needs to spill blood to impose a way of life refused by the greatest number of people. Fear is sufficient....

All that remains of May 1968 is the memory of the epic for the nostalgiacs, the memory of the fear experienced by the old-fashioned. Forgotten is the ferocious repression that followed the great student demonstrations.[1] Forgotten are the Marcellin years,[2] which were nevertheless years of losses and profits. Certainly there weren't any great slaughters, as in June 1848 or May 1871, or small bloody reprisals as was in the case in February 1934, October 1961 and February 1962. It isn't any less the case that the herd-driving of those who remained persuaded of the need to invent -- as the days went by -- a better world was of long duration.

In May and June 1968, the police did not kill or not very often. This was very fortunate. They simply contented themselves with humiliating, bludgeoning, injuring, reactivating racism and the hatred of the other. The good-hearted people saw nothing and the hardest avengers were happy with the return to political and moral order from which France should never have departed. Which did not only signify a return to the point of departure, but the beginning of a questioning of the individual liberties obtained after decades of struggle.[3] It is also certain that the great fear experienced by the supporters of established power, the silent majority,[4] was never calmed. And then one forgot the years of repression, congratulating oneself with the re-established order, all by routinely perfecting the indispensable backfires, so as to prevent all return of potential flames.

El Kilombo Intergaláctico writes:

Second Encounter of the Zapatista Peoples with the Peoples of the World

Translation by El Kilombo Intergaláctico

Communiqué of the Indigenous Revolutionary Clandestine Committee—General Command of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation

June of 2007

To the People of Mexico:
To the Peoples of the World:
To the Adherents of the Zexta Internazional:
To the Adherents of the Sixth Declaration:

Compañeros and Compañeras:
Brothers and Sisters:

As was announced at the First Encounter of Zapatista Peoples with the Peoples of the World (held in January of this year), the Second Encounter will be held in the coming month of July. The objective of this encounter is that persons, groups, collectives, and organizations that struggle against neoliberalism, in Mexico and all over the world, hear directly the word of the EZLN’s bases of support on the process of the construction of autonomy in the Zapatista indigenous communities of Chiapas. For this reason, the EZLN, through its Intergalactic and Sixth Commissions, convokes:

The Second Encounter of Zapatista Peoples with the Peoples of the World.

To be held in Zapatista territory July 20 through 28 of the year 2007, with the following characteristics:

Against Globalization and its Non-Emancipatory Responses

Rob Augman


The grassroots mobilizations against the G8 summit, held in the northern German town of Heiligendamm in early June of this year, were organized by broad networks of direct actionists, anti-racist groups, anti-border groups, anti-fascist militants, queer activists, squatters, debt-relief groups, trade unions, environmental organizations and many others. Despite the very restrictive policy of the German state that forbid any demonstrations in a large perimeter around the ‘security fence’ protecting the G8 summit, activists successfully disrupted the G8 meeting.[i]

The tiny enclave of Heiligendamm was for two days only reachable by helicopters or with boats from the seaside, as demonstrators blocked roads and train tracks leading to the site of the summit. Impressive were the pictures of thousands of people crossing fields and forests, in their effort to out-maneuver the huge police force, and make their way to the fence.

Heiligendamm will mark another memorable moment in the alter-globalization movement, a movement whose strength is often attributed to its diversity of actors. But this multitude, however, should not be mixed up with arbitrariness, as the movement itself also struggles with the challenges in developing a critique of global capitalism that provides emancipatory possibilities.

Contemporary social conflicts, a widespread sense of alienation, deep feelings of powerlessness, and the increasing intensity of violent conflict sets off a whole host of resentments and oppositions to the global situation that are not emancipatory. Many people who are deeply dissatisfied with the global political and economic order do not gravitate towards progressive or social justice organizations. The rise of racist, nationalist, fundamentalist and other forms of reactionary politics emerge as responses to the global situation as well, and they compete for power and influence on the same social terrain of those on the Left. These are present in the discourses, policies and politics in struggles around globalization/anti-globalization as well, and were therefore are present in the mobilization against the G8 this year.

In Germany, with its history of National Socialism as well as uprisings of neo-Nazism and nationalism after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the left must struggle with and position itself against critiques of “the new world order,” of “globalization,” and even of “capitalism,” from non-emancipatory positions, including those from the (far) Right. Such non-emancipatory critiques range widely, from proponents of economic protectionism and political isolationism (which can be seen in Right-wing anti-war positions), to the cultural field of “preserving cultural uniqueness from commercialism,” all the way to the far Right and its attempts to solve social questions in hyper-nationalist ways.

The scale of right-wing involvement in anti-globalization politics, or broader sentiments of reactionary anti-capitalism, present facts that have not gone ignored by some on the German Left and can be seen present in the anti-G8 mobilization, whether against the far-Right, the state, or as self-criticism of our own social movements. These groups are employing various approaches, and seeking various goals in their emancipatory aims. In their confrontation with “globalization” on the one hand, and reactionary anti-globalization on the other, transformations can be observed in the analyses and the practices of the Left itself. The international mobilization against the G8 summit in Germany provides a unique look into these struggles in order to consider how left and social justice groups can better confront the complicated and varied challenges we face.

Against Globalization and its Non-Emancipatory Responses

Rob Augman


The grassroots mobilizations against the G8 summit, held in the northern German town of Heiligendamm in early June of this year, were organized by broad networks of direct actionists, anti-racist groups, anti-border groups, anti-fascist militants, queer activists, squatters, debt-relief groups, trade unions, environmental organizations and many others. Despite the very restrictive policy of the German state that forbid any demonstrations in a large perimeter around the ‘security fence’ protecting the G8 summit, activists successfully disrupted the G8 meeting.[i]

The tiny enclave of Heiligendamm was for two days only reachable by helicopters or with boats from the seaside, as demonstrators blocked roads and train tracks leading to the site of the summit. Impressive were the pictures of thousands of people crossing fields and forests, in their effort to out-maneuver the huge police force, and make their way to the fence.

Heiligendamm will mark another memorable moment in the alter-globalization movement, a movement whose strength is often attributed to its diversity of actors. But this multitude, however, should not be mixed up with arbitrariness, as the movement itself also struggles with the challenges in developing a critique of global capitalism that provides emancipatory possibilities.

Contemporary social conflicts, a widespread sense of alienation, deep feelings of powerlessness, and the increasing intensity of violent conflict sets off a whole host of resentments and oppositions to the global situation that are not emancipatory. Many people who are deeply dissatisfied with the global political and economic order do not gravitate towards progressive or social justice organizations. The rise of racist, nationalist, fundamentalist and other forms of reactionary politics emerge as responses to the global situation as well, and they compete for power and influence on the same social terrain of those on the Left. These are present in the discourses, policies and politics in struggles around globalization/anti-globalization as well, and were therefore are present in the mobilization against the G8 this year.

In Germany, with its history of National Socialism as well as uprisings of neo-Nazism and nationalism after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the left must struggle with and position itself against critiques of “the new world order,” of “globalization,” and even of “capitalism,” from non-emancipatory positions, including those from the (far) Right. Such non-emancipatory critiques range widely, from proponents of economic protectionism and political isolationism (which can be seen in Right-wing anti-war positions), to the cultural field of “preserving cultural uniqueness from commercialism,” all the way to the far Right and its attempts to solve social questions in hyper-nationalist ways.

The scale of right-wing involvement in anti-globalization politics, or broader sentiments of reactionary anti-capitalism, present facts that have not gone ignored by some on the German Left and can be seen present in the anti-G8 mobilization, whether against the far-Right, the state, or as self-criticism of our own social movements. These groups are employing various approaches, and seeking various goals in their emancipatory aims. In their confrontation with “globalization” on the one hand, and reactionary anti-globalization on the other, transformations can be observed in the analyses and the practices of the Left itself. The international mobilization against the G8 summit in Germany provides a unique look into these struggles in order to consider how left and social justice groups can better confront the complicated and varied challenges we face.

Our Place, Our Time

John Holloway


This is the text of a speech delivered by John Holloway during a concert in the harbour of Rostock in the context of the anti-G8 protests, on June 3 2007

Our place. This is our place. Not theirs, ours. Ours is a space without borders, without definitions. They have their own place, over there, behind the metal barriers, the barbed wire, surrounded by thousands of police. That is where the mass murderers belong, in the prison that we have created for them. The political leaders of the world move only when they are surrounded by police and bodyguards, behind high walls, protected by guns and helicopters. They cannot move freely because they are afraid of us.

Our time. This is our time. Not theirs, ours. A time of intensity, a time of passion, a time of dreams, a time of breaking time. A time in which we refuse all continuity, a time for making the world anew. We shall dance to dawn and beyond if we want. Their time is the time of the clock that ticks the seconds of death, the time of continuity that says "obey today, obey tomorrow". Their time is the timetable of their plan to destroy humanity.

Our music, our dance. This is our music, our dance. Not theirs, ours. They have no music, the only music they know is the music they turn up loud to drown the screams of the people they are torturing in Guantanamo and in prison camps throughout the world. The only dance they know is the march of their soldiers who are trampling over the world.

Our place, our time, our music, our dance. We are the centre of the world.

G8 Black Block Protest Video Footage


The best video footage we have yet seen of the Black Block G8 protests in Rostock, Germany is found here.

G8 Warm-Up Tour: Whose World Is This?

David Rovics


The riots in Rostock, Germany began around 3 pm last Saturday. In European riots outside of G8 meetings and such, generally all sides refrain from using lethal weapons. (If anybody breaks with this tradition – such as Genoa in 2000 or Gothenberg in 2001 – it is always the police.) The riots on Saturday were part of a long series of such confrontations around Germany, around Europe, around the world.

On one side were many thousands of police brought in from all over Germany, dressed in space-age green or black riot gear. On the other were thousands of mostly young men and women, mostly German but including participants from all over Europe and a smattering of other places, many wearing balaclavas or bandanas over their faces, most dressed in black.

These events are strangely beautiful, partly like a brilliantly choreographed modern dance performance with the city as it’s stage, partly like a medieval battle. Many of those who don’t wish to be involved leave the scene in a hurry, many others find some high ground and watch the melee unfold, and quite a few more try to keep on with whatever they were doing before the riot started and hope it ends soon.

Danger List writes:

"The Return of Danger"

Danger List

Saturday July Seventh (2007):

The Righteous & The Wicked : Danger Takes Manhattan


For your illicit pleasure we've taken over a massive new
venue within the city of dreams. Prepare yourself for the
Righteous & the Wicked — an all night explosion of fallen
angels, public scandal and performance perfected.
Featuring music, spectacle and seditious surprises
saturating a maze like complex of dark rooms and massive
sound. On this night the island of commerce rediscovers
its decadent soul. This is just a tease — full details
will be released soon.

The party above is a fundraiser for the event below.
(You've waited a year for this.)

Saturday July Fourteenth (2007):

One Night of Fire : The Return of the Renegade Parade


This is the story of the battle for Brooklyn.


Our city is slipping. We can feel it in our blood and in
the eyes of the once inspired. True moments of grandeur
are fading into pleasant memory. Even at our most
cynical, we still crave reckless explorations of the
anything-is-possible. Last year two thousand of you took
the Brooklyn Bridge, the trains and the boardwalk at Coney
Island and mashed into a lurid cabal of un-permitted bliss.
On July 14th expect much more.

Resistance -- A Radical Social and Political History of
the Lower East Side


16Beaver Street, 4th Floor, NYC


7:30 pm

This Monday we are pleased to host a discussion with several of the
contributors to the recently published book Resistance: A Radical Social
and Political History of the Lower East Side,
including (but probably not
limited to) Clayton Patterson, Alan Moore, and Jim Feast.

They will present the project of this just-published book, three years in
the making. Hopefully some images, although mostly talk. Is this an
"autopsy" of bohemia? Maybe. New York's Lower East Side has been pivotal
in the development of politically radical practices, lifestyles and
thought. This legacy, stretching back to the days of Emma Goldman's
residence at the turn of the century, seemed to come to a sudden end with
the 1988 Tompkins Square Park police riot and the subsequent repression in
the neigbborhood of homeless people and squatters. What can we learn from
examining this neighborhood's history of resistance?

Too Quiet in Oaxaca

John Ross

OAXACA, OAXACA (May 27th) — On the first anniversary of the beginning of last summer's feverish uprising here, the city's jewel-box plaza which had been occupied for seven months by striking teachers and their allies in the Oaxaca Peoples' Popular Assembly (APPO) from May until October when federal police forced them into retreat, shimmered in the intense spring sunbeams. The only massive police presence on view was the city police department's orchestra tootling strident martial airs to a shirt-sleeved crowd of gaffers. Here and there, handfuls of burley state cops, sweltering in bulletproof vests and helmets in hand, huddled in the shade quaffing aguas frescas (fruit water) and flirting with the senoritas.

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