Radical media, politics and culture.

Theory

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Anarchism as Moral Theory:

Praxis, Property, and the Postmodern"

Randall Amster

Abstract

This essay explores the prospect of attaining a non-coercive morality that could enable the simultaneous realisation of maximal individual freedom and stable community, through the exposition of an anarchist theory premised on a subjective 'conscience-ethic', an inherent tendency toward sociality and 'mutual aid', and normative 'usufruct' in property. Part of the project entails the development of a reflexive synthesis between the two seemingly contradictory ends of 'individual' and 'community', concluding that only an anarchist 'social order' integrating self, society, and nature can resolve this apparent tension. In this regard, an argument is advanced here for a commonly-held materiality (deriving from the 'state of nature') that sets the framework for a normative view of property and possession. The essay concludes with an assessment of the efficacy of an accord between anarchist moral theory and poststructuralism.  

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"On the Future of Radical Politics"

Saul Newman

In my undergraduate days at Sydney University, during
my brief flirtation with Trotskyism, I was always
struck by the sectarianism of its politics. The
Trotskyists, or the Socialist Workers Party as they
called themselves, consisted of all of about three
hardcore members (probably even fewer these days).
They routinely split, formed opposing factions and, in
the most vitriolic terms, accused each other of
revisionism, betraying the party line, perverting the
true message of Marxism, and other heinous offences.

Anonymous Comrade submits "Guy Debord / Attila Kotányi / Raoul Vaneigem

Theses on the Paris Commune



1

“The classical workers movement must be reexamined without any illusions,
particularly without any illusions regarding its various political and pseudotheoretical
heirs, for all they have inherited is its failure. The apparent successes of this movement
are actually its fundamental failures (reformism or the establishment of a state
bureaucracy), while its failures (the Paris Commune or the 1934 Asturian revolt) are its
most promising successes so far, for us and for the future.” (Internationale
Situationniste
#7.)

Anonymous Kumquat submits:

"Realer Than Real:

The Simulacrum According to Deleuze and Guattari"

Brian Massumi

There is a seductive image of contemporary culture circulating today. Our world,
Jean Baudrillard tells us, has been launched into hyperspace in a kind of
postmodern apocalypse. The airless atmosphere has asphyxiated the referent,
leaving us satellites in aimless orbit around an empty center. We breathe an
ether of floating images that no longer bear a relation to any reality
whatsoever. That, according to Baudrillard, is simulation: the substitution
of signs of the real for the real. In hyperreality, signs no longer represent
or refer to an external model. They stand for nothing but themselves, and refer
only to other signs. They are to some extent distinguishable, in the way the
phonemes of language are, by a combinatory of minute binary distinctions. But
postmodernism stutters. In the absence of any gravitational pull to ground them,
images accelerate and tend to run together. They become interchangeable. Any
term can be substituted for any other: utter indetermination. Faced with this
homogeneous surface of syntagmatic slippage, we are left speechless. We can only
gape in fascination. For the secret of the process is beyond our grasp.
Meaning has imploded. There is no longer any external model, but there is an
immanent one. To the syntagmatic surface of slippage there corresponds an
invisible paradigmatic dimension that creates those minimally differentiated
signs only in order for them to blur together in a pleasureless orgy of exchange
and circulation. Hidden in the images is a kind of genetic code responsible for
their generation. Meaning is out of reach and out of sight, but not be cause
it has receded into the distance. It is because the code has been miniaturized.
Objects are images, images are signs, signs are information, and information
fits on a chip. Everything reduces to a molecular binarism. The generalized
digitality of the computerized society.

"The California ideology"

Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron (August 1995)

"Not to lie about the future is impossible and one can lie about it at will." — Naum Gabo [1]

As the Dam Bursts...

At the end of the twentieth century, the long predicted convergence of the media, computing and telecommunications into hypermedia is finally happening. [2] Once again, capitalism's relentless drive to diversify and intensify the creative powers of human labour is on the verge of qualitatively transforming the way in which we work, play and live together. By integrating different technologies around common protocols, something is being created which is more than the sum of its parts. When the ability to produce and receive unlimited amounts of information in any form is combined with the reach of the global telephone networks, existing forms of work and leisure can be fundamentally transformed. New industries will be born and current stock market favourites will swept away. At such moments of profound social change, anyone who can offer a simple explanation of what is happening will be listened to with great interest. At this crucial juncture, a loose alliance of writers, hackers, capitalists and artists from the West Coast of the USA have succeeded in defining a heterogeneous orthodoxy for the coming information age: the Californian Ideology.

hydrarchist submits: Bruce E. brought this writer to my attention, although unfortunately little of his work is available on the web.

"The Great Utopia:

Outlines for a Plan of Organization and Activity of a Democratic Movement"

Josef Weber (Submitted in agreement with the editors and friends
of Dinge der Zeit and Contemporary Issues)

1

For thousands of years tormented humanity has been laboring at the solution of the
disconsolate and trivial tasks of how to eat, dwell and live in security; for thousands of
years, it has yearned for a paradise from which it feels itself expelled and to which it
wishes to return. The theme which myths and fairy tales sing of, the force which impels
masses into movement, the desideratum of founders of religions, what philosophers have
brooded over, the object of the enquiries of scientists, the visionings of poets, the
achievements or aspirations of statesmen and revolutionaries — all revolve round
these two poles and are nourished, at root, only by the terrible necessity for securing
the perpetuation of life in good or evil. But all endeavor had to remain fantasy and
Utopia, the problem of humanity could, in the final analysis, find merely a temporary
regulation “in evil” as long as it was not possible to produce sufficient goods
for the satisfaction of even the most urgent needs of everybody. This decisive difficulty
was only removed by the so-called Industrial Revolution, which, towards the
middle of the last century, also encompassed Germany and America and constituted the basis
for the “Communist Manifesto,” which appeared in 1848, that is, for scientific
socialism in general.

"Sketches of a Post-Foucauldian Anarchism"

Fing

The majority of anarchist literature I read seems to
have yet to absorb the analytics of power left as the
legacy of the French historian Michel Foucault. A
brilliant philosophical scholar, Foucault left us not
with a system of analysis, but rather a series of
critiques and suggestions that ultimately demolish all
systems of thought.

"Sex, Race and Class"

Selma James

There has been enough confusion generated when sex, race and class have confronted each other as separate and even conflicting entities. That they are separate entities is self-evident. That they have proven themselves to be not separate, inseparable, is harder to discern. Yet if sex and race are pulled away from class, virtually all that remains is the truncated, provincial, sectarian politics of the white male metropolitan Left. I hope to show in barest outline, first, that the working class movement is something other than that Left have ever envisioned it to be. Second, locked within the contradiction between the discrete entity of sex or race and the totality of class is the greatest deterrent to working class power and at the same time the creative energy to achieve that power.

"Historicizing the Spontaneous Revolution:

Anarchism
and the Spatial Politics of Postmodernism"

Nicholas Spencer, University of Nebraska, Lincoln

Wendell V. Harris, Jeffrey T. Nealon, Colin Falck,
Camille Paglia, Mas'ud Zavarzadeh, Donald Morton --
these are just some of the many writers who have
pronounced the demise of postmodern and/or
poststructuralist thought. It seems that the regime of
the sign and discourse analysis has given way to
materialist critique and cultural studies, and while
some people may not perceive any essential antinomy
between discourse and materialism, many others welcome
these developments as finally exposing the faddish and
pretentious nature of postmodernism. As the heady
self-referentialism of postmodern culture continues, a
cooling of academic interest may enable scholars to
examine the traditions and influences relevant to
postmodernism's career more clearly.

Anonymous Comrade submits:

A Call For An Anarchist People of Color founding conference.

ANARCHIST PEOPLE OF COLOR CONFERENCE SET FOR OCTOBER 3-5, 2003

WHAT: An organizers' conference of people sympathetic to the
Anarchist movement in various communities of color.

WHEN: October 3-5, 2003 [ October 3rd schedule: Friday 6:00-9:00
PM] orientation and registration; [Saturday, Oct. 4th all-day
workshops*]; breakfast 9:00-10:20, 10:30-12 noon morning session;
12:00-1:30 for lunch; 1:30-8:30; [ breakfast on Sunday October 5th]
9:00-10:00] morning session 10:00-12 noon, break for lunch 12:00-
1:00, conference resumes at 1:00 and ends at 3:00 (or later, if
majority of participants agree).

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