Radical media, politics and culture.

Theory

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Marxism, the Holocaust and September 11"

An Interview with Norman Geras, Imprints

Your first book was a study of the thought of Rosa Luxemburg. Do you believe that there is anything useful in Luxemburg's legacy today?


A preliminary general point here is that Rosa Luxemburg's thought falls squarely within the tradition of classical Marxism and is therefore marked by both the strengths and the weaknesses of this tradition. But, that said, yes I do believe so. Luxemburg's writings embody a clear, lifelong commitment to the struggle against social relations of exploitation and injustice, and to the specific character of this struggle as having to involve the broadest possible participatory and democratic movement. There were limitations in the way she conceived the democratic movement. Her emphasis on its necessarily pluralist content and norms ran up against the linguistic habit she shared with others of her time of talking of the party of the working class, as well as against a tendency amongst Marxists to regard Marxism itself as the theory of socialism.

"Panarchy: A Forgotten Idea of 1860"

Max Nettlau, (1909)


Introductory Note by John Zube


This article was signed M.N. and dated 22.2.1909. It was first published in Gustav Landauer's "Der Sozialist", 15.3.1909. Upon a suggestion by Leo Kasarnowski, the later publisher of John Henry Mackay, who identified M.N. as Max Nettlau, it was reprinted in "Der individualistische Anarchist" (The Individualist Anarchist), published by Benedikt Lachman, in Berlin, 1920, pages 410-417. It is here translated by John Zube from the German reproduction in "Zur Sache", No9 (On the Topic, No.9), produced 1985 by the Mackay Gesellschaft, Germany, editor: Kurt Zube, 1905 -1991.


The existence of this article by Max Nettlau was quite new to me and pleased me very much. I had long sought for anarchist responses to De Puydt's essay, but in vain, except within my own close circle. Alas, Kurt Zube had failed to point it out to me earlier. De Puydt's proposal, as a core requirement for a consistent anarchism, supplemented by essential conditions, forms the foundation of the autonomous protective and social communities described in Solneman's 1977 "The Manifesto of Peace and Freedom." Its English edition appeared in 1983. But already in 1930, in Kurt Zube's "Radikaler Geist", Berlin, on pages 450/51 (5th issue), appeared the related programme of Werner Ackermann' s The Cosmpoolitan Union. In "Zur Sache" the program of "The Cosmopolitan Union" is appended but I have left it out here since it has already appeared, repeatedly, in my Peace Plans series, in English, German and even in French. It is the central idea in my own two peace books, in Peace Plans 16-18 & 61-63 (German in Peace Plans 399-401), written between 1962 and 1975.

Herbert Spencer discussed similar ideas in his chapter: "The Right to Ignore the State," in "Social Statics," original edition in 1850 and Johann Gottlieb Fichte discussed individual secessionism in his 1793 book on the French Revolution. Voluntary taxation schemes are one of the preconditions or consequences for panarchies. Historical precedents for panarchism abound and go back much further (but they are NOT discussed in most history books), in the form of personal law associations, capitulations, the millet system or djemma, special courts for foreigners and consular jurisdiction). Remnants of this tradition persisted into the 20th century, e.g. in Morocco to 1955 and to our times, e.g. as personal law in civil jurisdiction, in the Middle East and Malaysia. Curiously enough, most minority groups have shown little to no interest in this form of potentially full exterritorial autonomy for all minorities that want to form their own volunteer communities. They remain addicted to territorialism -- and the atrocities that follow from it.


Panarchism provides the only framework that could, at the same time and in the same country, satisfy the rightful aspirations of all kinds of statists as well as of all kinds of freedom lovers. Since the radical freedom lovers are almost everywhere a small minority and have little chance, in the short run, to convert all the statists to their point of view, they should be the first ones to adopt this program. However, they find it very difficult to do, since they are, like most statists, stuck on the territorial model, which excludes tolerance for exterritorially autonomous volunteer communities. It is also the cornerstone for any rightful and efficient peace, defence, revolution and liberation effort, since it could turn most of the resources of any dictatorial or totalitarian regime against it and could do so without driving the regime into a corner, ready to undertake mass murderous steps. Even the worst regime has some voluntary followers and under panarchism it could retain these, as long as it satisfied them. I know of no better program to defuse and finally abolish the threat posed by ABC mass murder devices combined with popular notions on collective responsibility and enemies, all tied to the territorial model.


One of the remaining panarchistic traits, in all too distorted form, is the practice of and international law on diplomatic immunity. However, this is a bad example because its current version permits diplomats to get away with serious crimes against foreigners. That was NOT the traditional practice in law systems. But then the rulers and their followers or representatives have degrees of secrecy and immunity for their crimes.


A preliminary literature on panarchism, 11 pages, appeared in Peace Plans 66/69.


A 2 pages list of 1989 can be found in Peace Plans 920.


An extended bibliography on panarchism, on 56 pages, can be found in Peace Plans No.1540.

"Panarchy: A Forgotten Idea of 1860"

Max Nettlau

For a long time I have been fascinated by the thought how wonderful it would be if at last, in public opinion on the succession of political and social institutions, the fateful term "one after another" would be replaced through the very simple and self-evident "simultaneously."

"Down with the State!" and "Only upon the ruins of the State. . ." express emotions and wishes of many but it seems that only the cool "Opt out of the State" (No. 2 of "The Socialist") can help them towards their realization.

When a new scientific insight appears, then those convinced of it do simply proceed upon it, without wanting to persuade the old professors who do not intend to follow it or to force them to accept the new way or to slay them: Quite on their own, they will fall behind, diminish in reputation and dry up -- if only the new method is full of life. Indeed, in many cases, maliciousness and stupidity will put many obstacles in the road of the new idea. That is the reason why hard struggles must be fought for unconditional mutual tolerance, until it is finally achieved. Only from then on will everything proceed automatically, science will bloom and advance, because the necessary foundation for every progress, namely experimental freedom and free research have been achieved.

"Marx's Mole Is Dead!

Globalisation and Communication"

Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri

Drawing on their book Empire, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri show how the resistance of the working class has prefigured the globalisation of capital. Now, they contend, we face a new, universal order that accepts no boundaries or limits -- Empire. The local focus of a nostalgic Left is in this situation both false and damaging.

"Every tool is a weapon if you hold it right." -- Ani DiFranco

"Men fight and lose the battle, and the thing that they fought for comes about in spite of their defeat, and then it turns out not to be what they meant, and other men have to fight for what they meant under another name." -- William Morris

In our book(1), we propose a single concept, Empire, which is meant to name the political form of globalisation. Our primary question is, what is the political constitution of global order?

Anonymous Comrade writes

THAT THE TOOL NEVER POSSESS THE MAN - Taking Fanon’s Humanism Seriously



Richard Pithouse



As long as we have faith, we have no hope. To hope, we have to break the faith.


        -Arundhati Roy



Abstract The key argument in this article is that there are three good reasons to take Fanon’s humanism seriously. The first is that he took it seriously; the second is that he wrote to wrest humanism from the distortions of racism and colonialism; and the third reason is that Fanon’s humanism is a current in the movement that Michael Hart and Antonio Negri call revolutionary humanism and which they distinguish from reactionary humanism. The second and more subterranean argument is that Fanon’s humanism provides an opportunity to revitalise our thinking and practice of politics in contemporary South Africa.

Anonymous Comrade submits "1000 Years of War:
CTHEORY Interview with Manuel De Landa

Manuel de Landa in conversation with: Don Ihde, Casper Bruun Jensen, Jari
Friis
Jorgensen, Srikanth Mallavarapu, Eduardo Mendieta, John Mix, John Protevi,
and
Evan Selinger.

Manuel De Landa, distinguished philosopher and principal figure in the "new
materialism" that has been emerging as a result of interest in Deleuze and
Guattari, currently teaches at Columbia University. Because his research
into
"morphogenesis" -- the production of stable structures out of material
flows --
extends into the domains of architecture, biology, economics, history,
geology,
linguistics, physics, and technology, his outlook has been of great interest
to
theorists across the disciplines. His latest book on Deleuze's realist
ontology, Intensive Science and Virtual Philosophy (2002), comes in the wake
of
best-sellers: War in the Age of Intelligent Machines (1991), where De Landa
assumes the persona of the "robot historian" to bring the natural and social
sciences into dialogue vis-a-vis using insights found in nonlinear dynamics
to analyze the role of information technology in military history, and A
Thousand Years of Non-Linear History (1997), where he carves out a space for
geological, organic, and linguistic materials to "have their say" in
narrating
the different ways that a single matter-energy undergoes phase transitions
of
various kinds, resulting in the production of the semi-stable structures
that
are constitutive of the natural and social worlds. When Evan Selinger
gathered
together the participants for the following interview, his initial intention
was to create an interdisciplinary dialogue about the latest book. In light
of
current world events -- which have brought about a renewed fascination with
De
Landa's thoughts on warfare -- and in light of the different participant
interests, an unintended outcome came about. A synoptic and fruitful
conversation occurred that traverses aspects of De Landa's oeuvre.

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"Once Again, On Fictitious Capital:

Further Reply to 'Aufheben' and Other Critics"

Loren Goldner

(Note: Nothing is of course more boring than a reply to a reply to a reply. The following is written with the intention of being accessible to readers not familiar with my exchange with the "Aufheben" group on fictitious capital, Sander’s intervention in that debate in Internationalist Perspective, No. 41, and various discussion on e-lists. Further, I wish to sincerely thank all these critics for making it possible for me to sharpen my own views.) 

Fictitious capital is the gap between total price and total value on a world scale.

Capital as defined by Marx is a social relationship of production, a process of valorization, money mixed with living labor and means of production to achieve expanded money in the movement M-C-M’ (money-commodity-money prime). Capital is self-expanding value, a “self-reflexive” (self-acting) relationship that relates itself to itself, “value valorizing itself” ("sich selbst verwertendes Wert").

This is the profound movement of “pure” capital analyzed by Marx in Vols. I and II of Capital, before the introduction of the surface phenomena of everyday appearance in Vol. III. Vols. I and II offer a model of a “closed system” of only capitalists and proletarians.

Anonymous Comrade submits:


"Anarchism and the Politics of Ressentiment"

Saul Newman

"A word in the ear of the psychologists, assuming they are inclined to study ressentiment close up for once: this plant thrives best amongst anarchists...."[1]

Of all the nineteenth century political movements that Nietzsche decries -- from socialism to liberalism -- he reserves his most venomous words for the anarchists. He calls them the "anarchist dogs" that are roaming the streets of European culture, the epitome of the "herd-animal morality" that characterizes modern democratic politics.[2]

Anonymous Kumquat submits:

"The Anarchist Ethic in the Age of the Anti-Globalization Movement"

Killing King Abacus


The question always before anarchists is how to act in the present moment of struggle against capitalism and the state. As new forms of social struggles are becoming more clearly understood, this question becomes even more important. In order to answer these questions we have to clarify the relationship between anarchists and the wider social movement of the exploited and the nature of that movement itself.

Anonymous Comrade submits:

"On Epistemological Anarchism"

Paul Feyerabend

The hallmark of political anarchism is its opposition
to the established order of things: to the state, its
institutions, the ideologies that support and glorify
these institutions. The established order must be
destroyed so that human spontaneity may
come to the fore and exercise its right of freely
initiating action, of freely choosing what it thinks
is best. Occasionally one wishes to overcome not just
some social circumstances but the entire physical
world which is seen as being corrupt, unreal,
transient, and of no importance.

Lunacharsky writes:

"Economic & Philosophical Background to the Autonomen Movement"

By Lunacharsky




Economic Background to Autonomy



This is an article about the background and principles which underlie the German autonomist movement. Right off, at the start, I’d like to point out that there are two movements out there in Europe which have similar names but which are oriented in different directions: there’s the Autonomia movement in Italy, which focusses on the inherent autonomy of the working class from the economy in which it’s located, and then there’s the Autonomen movement in Germany and the Low Countries, which focussed on remaking society through autonomous centers and squats outside of the system.

Pages

Subscribe to Theory