Radical media, politics and culture.

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"Smoke And Mirrors:
The Civilian Claims Process In Iraq"

Rob Eshelman


As the US military convoy crested over the bridge in Baghdad’s al Adahmiya neighborhood, Kasim Husain steered his white Toyota sedan to the side of the road. The final Humvee had just passed when the military convoy came to an abrupt stop. Soldiers exited the rear vehicle and, without warning, opened fire. Bullets smashed through the windows of Kasim’s car killing his cousin, Ali, instantly with a bullet slug to the head. Kasim’s 20-year old son, Akeel, ran from the vehicle and was cut down with two shots to the stomach. As Kasim cradled Akeel’s head in his arms by the roadside, the dying young man asked his father to take care of his wife, who he had just married.

"U.S. Terrorism: The Historical Record

Four Lists of Invasions, State Terrorism, Attempted Regime Changes, and Support for Dictatorships


U.S. Terrorism and Genocide of the Central
American, South American and Caribbean Peoples:

Brazil 1961-1964,

British Guiana/Guyana 1953-1964,

Chile 1964-1973,

Colombia 1960s-Present,

Costa Rica Mid-1950s, 1970-71

Cuba 1959-Present.


Dominican Republic 1963-1966,

El Salvador 1980-Present,

Grenada 1979-1984,

Guatemala 1953-Present,

Haiti 1959,

Haiti 1987-1994

Nicaragua 1981-1990,

Panama 1989,

"Does the American Election Matter?"

John Chuckman

Presidential elections in America are long, with formal campaigns lasting about a year and positioning leading to the campaigns lasting nearly three years. A President's four-year term of office leaves just enough time to dish out contracts and jobs.


There is nothing out of the ordinary in America about the length of presidential campaigns. Elections for other offices consume time pretty much in proportion to their power and importance. Senators, for example, spend about two-thirds of their six-year term just raising money for the next election.

"Harass the Brass"
Anonymous

A friend who was in the U.S. military during the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War told me that before President G.H.W. Bush visited the troops in Saudi Arabia, enlisted men and women who would be in Bush's immediate vicinity had their rifle and pistol ammunition taken away from them. This was supposedly done to avoid "accidents." But it was also clear to people on the scene that Bush and his corporate handlers were somewhat afraid of the enlisted people who Bush would soon be killing in his unsuccessful re-election campaign.

hydrarchist writes
:
From A.M and F. in Rome.

The EU meets Laborary Italy: on incendiary devices and mysterious acronyms.

The European Union reveals itself so fragile as to be shaken after four or five incendiary packets arrive at the modern offices and luxury homes of heads of institutions.

No-one was injured but its more than enough to howl about 'terrorism' which for the first time 'threatens European integration". The police forces of several countries are now co-organizing the investigation of so-called "anarcho-insurrectionalists". In Italy the hunt begins yet again. The government even floats a further extension of the law on subversive association (270 bis) and the police centralize the investigation as already occurred in the case of the Red Brigades. Bologna is at the epicenter because it was there that on December 21st two containers exploded in a bin under Romano Prodi's house, and it from there - according to the postage stamps - that the packages to Prodi, the banker Trichet in Frankfurt, the headquarters of Europol and Eurojust in Ajax, various European Parliamentarians in Brussels and in Great Britain were sent. During the first days dozens of searches were carried out in Bologna and the Appenine border between Toscany and Emilia, but to no avail.

Part I of a two part essay. Find Part II here.

"Oil Wars and World Orders New and Old"

Aufheben

Introduction

The American-led interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo during the 1990s were
presented as 'humanitarian wars'. With the widespread, if not always universal,
support of the 'international (bourgeois) community', the liberal apologists for
such wars were able to claim that they were being waged to uphold the universal
norms of the 'civilised world' that now overrode the old principles of national
sovereignty. The conflicting material interests underlying these military
adventures were far from apparent.

Anonymous Comrade writes:



"Sick Puppies"

John Chuckman, January 6, 2004

The title is not part of my usual vocabulary, but sometimes an expression fits so perfectly that it becomes irresistible. And so it is for the authors of a neo-con "manifesto" on foreign policy. The Gomer Pyle of American Presidents recently was presented with a plan to reorder much of the world, a plan intended to build on his remarkable achievements in Iraq and Afghanistan, spreading resentment and future mayhem against Americans across the world.

Have you ever noticed how many of those odd people, the American neo-cons, use the rhetoric of nineteenth century European radicals? You'd be hard put to count all the references to "revolutionary," "radical," and "manifesto" in the American Right's industrial-scale output of pamphlets and tracts. This practice may have started as a marketing gimmick, the catchy application of a term from an unexpected context, but this kind of language is far more revealing than its authors realize.

"The State of Emergency"

Giorgio Agamben

In his Political Theology (1922), Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) established the essential proximity between the state of emergency and sovereignty. But although his famous definition of the sovereign as "the one who can proclaim a state of emergency" has been commented on many times, we still lack a genuine theory of the state of emergency within public law. For legal theorists as well as legal historians it seems as if the problem would be more of a factual question than an authentic legal question.

hydrarchist writes "Here is Part II. Go back to Part I

The third Gulf War (2003) and the New World Order of Bush Jnr.

The immediate fundamental problem facing the oil industry in the 1980s and
1990s was that the world's capacity to produce oil was growing faster than the
world's consumption of oil. Whereas the 1970s had been an era of oil shortage
the following decades were to be an era of an oil glut. But by the mid-1990s the
more strategic thinkers of the bourgeoisie, particularly those within the oil
industry, were becoming concerned that in the not too distant future the world
could once again find itself facing an acute oil shortage and find itself
increasingly dependent on anti-western governments in the Gulf.

"The World Is (Not) a Commodity"

Ernst Lohoff

The anti-globalization protest has formed as a movement against neoliberalism. Across the spectrum of protest, certainly the ideas on how the ruling order is to be critiqued differ widely. There is also not exactly consensus on how the path to a more humane society could look. But all realize that the neoliberal dream of a total market is a nightmare.

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