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The State

An anonymous coward writes:

"When NGOs Attack:

Implications of the Coup in Georgia"

Jacob Levich

Nongovernmental organizations -- the notionally independent, reputedly
humanitarian groups known as NGOs -- are now being openly integrated into
Washington's overall strategy for consolidating global supremacy.

Events surrounding last month's coup in post-Soviet Georgia, read in light of
recent State Department documents, suggest that seemingly innocuous NGOs now
play a central role in the policy of US-engineered "regime change" set forth
in the notorious National Security Strategy of the United States.

Anonymous Comrade writes

"The Parable of Samarra"

John Chuckman, December 9, 2003

Front-page stories announced the greatest battle since the end of combat in Iraq with fifty-four insurgents killed and not an American soldier lost. We were given breathtaking details about two separate, coordinated attacks, the firing of rocket-propelled grenades at American vehicles, and the fact that many of the attackers wore Fedayeen militia uniforms associated with Saddam Hussein. Early reports even claimed eleven insurgents were captured.

jim writes:

"Beyond Miami: The Future of the ACG Movement"

Matt Gaines

There are several ways to look at what happened in Miami recently
during the anti-FTAA demonstrations that took place there from November
19th-21st, 2003. No matter how the event is interpreted, however, it must
first and foremost be remembered that the FTAA has not yet been stopped. It
still remains a looming possibility. Trade ministers, although they ended
the meetings earlier than originally scheduled, refused to call it quits
altogether, and unlike many predicated, what occurred in Miami was not
another Cancun. The real significance of Miami was, more than anything
else, how it revealed the true nature of this wider movement that is
dedicated to opposing all forms of corporate power and achieving global
social, economic, and environmental justice.

"Questions about The New Imperialism:

An Interview with David Harvey

Nader Vossoughian, http://www.agglutinations.com


In his recently published The New Imperialism (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2003), geographer and social theorist David Harvey makes the case for a "New Deal" brand of imperialism in which the responsibilities of government are carried out by a “benevolent… coalition of capitalist powers.”


Against foes of globalization, he argues that the effects of global capitalism are undoable, that advocates of social reform must learn to work within the framework of the marketplace. By the same token, he remains critical of American foreign policy, whose objectives, he argues, have been shaped to a large degree by the neo-liberalism of the moderate left (think US Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin) and more recently by the neo-conservatism of the right (think US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld).


In the interview that follows, I ask Harvey to elaborate on his views, particularly on the point of how he distinguishes his vision from those articulated by peer intellectuals of the political left.

Anonymous Comrade writes:

"Lucy Parsons Center Visited by the Secret Service"


On Friday, November 7, an agent from the Secret Service paid a visit to the Lucy Parsons Center, a long-time radical bookstore and infoshop in Boston. Earlier in the week the bookstore received a suspicious piece of mail allegedly sent from the bookstore and containing questionable material. The Secret Service acting on “intelligence reports” was investigating this mail which had been reported to the National Lawyers Guild, but not to the Secret Service.

"Freezing the Movement:

Posthumous Notes on Nuclear War" (1983)

George Caffentzis

Preface (2003)

I found the following set of “posthumous notes” recently while I was cleaning up a closet. They were written, on the basis of memory and textual evidence, in the spring of 1983, right before I left the US to live and teach in Nigeria. Some of the material in these notes went into a couple of articles that were published then. One was in the "Posthumous Notes" (1983) issue of Midnight Notes and the other was in a piece entitled “The Marxist Theory of War” in the Radical Science Journal issue on the anti-nuclear war movement (1983). But they have since been unread and untroubled. My rediscovery of these notes puts them and me in a tight logical spot. I was supposed to have been dead (and reborn) according to these notes…but I clearly am neither. So their circulation now immediately falsifies them. Self-negating or not, I am hoping that these notes from the dead might be of use to the living at a time when nuclear war is again on the agenda. Anyway, please receive these notes as a gift on the Day of the Dead. -- November 2, 2003


A Lamentation

Oh that I had in the wilderness a lodging place of wayfaring men; that I might leave my people and go from here! for they be all adulterers, and assembly of treacherous men. -- Jeremiah, Lamentations 9:2

"The existence of the bomb paralyzes us. Our only motion a gigantic leap backward in what we take to be the minimal conditions of our existence whereby all desires, demands, struggles vanish; only our biological existence appears a valid cause. Don't kill us, exterminate us, burn us alive, make us witness the more most horrid spectacle the mind can imagine (?????), lived thousands of times in our fears watching the 7:00 News, reading the "scientific medical reports." Please let us live, that's all we ask, forget what this life will be like, forget about our now seemingly utopian dreams..."


But isn't this declaring we're already dead? Isn't this admitting the explosion has already worked, that we've already been blown to pieces hundreds of times when, of all our needs and struggles, only the will to survive remains? Worse yet. Isn't this declaration a most dangerous path? For when only people on their knees confront the powers that be, these powers feel godlike and justified, not restrained by the fear that should they dare so much, whoever of us will be left will make life impossible for them as well.

"Harass the Brass:

Some Notes Toward the Subversion of the US Armed Forces"

A friend who was in the U.S. military during the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War told me that before President G.H.W. Bush visited the troops in Saudi Arabia, enlisted men and women who would be in Bush's immediate vicinity had their rifle and pistol ammunition taken away from them.  This was supposedly done to avoid "accidents."  But it was also clear to people on the scene that Bush and his corporate handlers were somewhat afraid of the enlisted people who Bush would soon be killing in his unsuccessful re-election campaign.

"The Olive-Drab Rebels:

Military Organizing During The Vietnam Era"

Matthew Rinaldi, Radical America Vol. 8 No. 3 1974

Introduction

"The morale, discipline, and battleworthiness of the U. S. Armed Forces are, with a few salient exceptions, lower and worse than at any time in this century and possibly in the history of the United States.

By every conceivable indicator, our army that now remains in Vietnam is in a state approaching collapse, with individual units avoiding or having refused combat, murdering their officers and non-commissioned officers, drug-ridden, and dispirited where not near mutinous. Elsewhere than Vietnam, the situation is nearly as serious."

So wrote Col. Robert D. Heinl in June of 1971. In an article entitled "The Collapse of the Armed Forces", written for the eyes of the military leadership and published in the Armed Forces Journal, Heinl also stated, "Sedition, coupled with disaffection within the ranks, and externally fomented with an audacity and intensity previously inconceivable, infests the Armed Services." This frank statement accurately reflects the tremendous upheaval which occurred among rank and file GIs during the era of the Vietnam war. Covered up whenever possible and frequently denied by the military brass, this upheaval was nevertheless a significant factor in the termination of the ground war, and helped to imbue a generation of working class youth with a deep-rooted contempt for America's authority structure.

An anonymous coward writes:

"Bush-Nazi Link Confirmed"
John Buchanan, New Hampshire Gazette,

October 10, 2003


WASHINGTON - After 60 years of inattention and even denial by the
U.S. media, newly-uncovered government documents in The National
Archives and Library of Congress reveal that Prescott Bush, the
grandfather of President George W. Bush, served as a business partner
of and U.S. banking operative for the financial architect of the Nazi
war machine from 1926 until 1942, when Congress took aggressive
action against Bush and his "enemy national" partners.

The documents also show that Bush and his colleagues, according to
reports from the U.S. Department of the Treasury and FBI, tried to
conceal their financial alliance with German industrialist Fritz
Thyssen, a steel and coal baron who, beginning in the mid-1920s,
personally funded Adolf Hitler's rise to power by the subversion of
democratic principle and German law.

Furthermore, the declassified records demonstrate that Bush and his
associates, who included E. Roland Harriman, younger brother of
American icon W. Averell Harriman, and George Herbert Walker,
President Bush's maternal great-grandfather, continued their dealings
with the German industrial baron for nearly eight months after the
U.S. entered the war.

No Story?

For six decades these historical facts have gone unreported by the
mainstream U.S. media. The essential facts have appeared on the
Internet and in relatively obscure books, but were dismissed by the
media and Bush family as undocumented diatribes. This story has also
escaped the attention of "official" Bush biographers, Presidential
historians and publishers of U.S. history books covering World War II
and its aftermath.

The White House did not respond to phone calls seeking comment.

Anonymous Comrade writes:

"Banging Your Head into Walls"

John Chuckman, October 27, 2003

We've all met them, people who stubbornly hurl themselves in the wrong direction, stopping only when they violently collide with reality. It is a painful way to learn, but those afflicted with the disability seem unable to learn in any other way.


This way of learning characterizes much of America's effort at foreign policy since World War II. I was forcefully reminded of this by a news story with its searing memories of Vietnam.

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