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hydrarchist's blog

Óró Sé Do Bheatha 'Bhaile (© ??)

Óró! sé do bheatha 'bhaile! Óró! sé do bheatha 'bhaile! Óró! sé do bheatha 'bhaile! Anois ar theacht an tsamhraidh

Sé do, bheatha! a, bhean ba léanmhar B' é ár greach tú bheith i ngéibheann Do dhuiche bhreá i seilibh méirleach 'S tú díolta leis na Ghallaibh

Óró! sé do bheatha 'bhaile! ...

Tá Gráinne Mhaol á triall thar sáile Óglaigh armtha léi mar gharda Gaeil iad féin 's ní Gaill na Spáinnigh 'S cuirfid(h) ruaig ar Ghallaibh

Óró! sé do bheatha 'bhaile! ...

A bhuí le Dia na bhFeart go bhfeiceam Muna mbeam beo' na dhiaidh ach seachtain Grainne Mhaol agus míle gaiscíoch Ag fógairt fáin ar Ghallaibh

Óró! sé do bheatha 'bhaile! ...

You Are Welcome Home Welcome Oh woman who was so afflicted It was our ruin that you were in bondage Our fine land in the possesion of theives And sold to the foreigners

Chorus: Óró! You are welcome home! Now that summer is coming

Grainne Mhaol is coming over the sea Armed warriors along with her as guard They are Irishmen, not English or Spanish And they will rout the foreigners

Chorus

May it please the God of Miracles that we may see Although we only live a week after it Grainne Mhaol and a thousand warriors Dispersing the foreigners

Chorus

I found the summation of heteroglossia, as well as its relationship to other key Bakhtinian terms, by Karine Zbinden in "Traducing Bakhtin and Missing Heteroglossia," in Dialogism 2, both succinct and clear. In this passage she is summarizing from "Discourse in the NoVel' (DN, pp.84-86 R; pp.96-98 f;pp.271-73 E).

... a professor ... insists that heteroglossia is roughly (entirely) synonymous with the post-structuralist concept of discourse. This article explains how such 'missreadings' can occur.

"Bakhtin begins his argument about centripetal and centrifugal forces with a few historical observations: he interprets the efforts towards the unification of the national languages in Europe, be they the various poetics, Leibniz's universal grammar or Humboldt's ideologism, as instances of centripetal forces. Bakhtin details the diverse ways in which other 'dialects' have been suppressed. He goes on to explain that centripetal and centrifugal forces are at work within a single natural language as well. In fact the situation within one natural language is comparable to and can be represented by the fight between the various 'dialects' or languages in a polylingual society. Thus as single natural language is not only stratified into dialects proper but into 'social-ideological' languages. This heretogeneity of natural language is heteroglossia. Heteroglossia thus accounts for both the common social nature of language as a shared code and for the individual appropriation of language in use. The notion of speech genre as a further development of the concept of heteroglossia introduces the idea of stability in language. This prevents the post-structuralist drift of a subject which speaks itself into self-annihilation, which is the back-cloth of an intertextual conception of language" (51).

Pam Morris's "The Bakhtin Reader" (1994) provides a wonderful glossary of terms (pp. 245-52). Here's Morris's definition of "heteroglossia":

For Bakhtin, discourse always articulates a particular view of the world. According to Bakhtin, earliest societies were characterized by "monoglossia," or a stable, unified language. "Polyglossia" refers to the simultaneity of two or more national langauges in the same society, a phenomenon which developed, as Bakhtin points out, in ancient Rome and during the Renaissance. "Heteroglossia" (the Russian "raznorechie" literally means "different-speech-ness"), refers to the conflict between "centripetal" and "centrifugal," "official" and "unofficial" discourses within the same national language. "Heteroglossia" is also present, however at the (q.v.) mirco-linguistic scale; every utterance contains within it the trace of other utterances, both in the past and in the future. The discursive site in which the conflict between different voices is at its most concentrated is the modern novel (q.v.). One way of representing heteroglossia in the novel is by a hybrid construction, which contains within it the trace of two or more discourses, either those of the narrator and character(s), or of different characters (q.v. "quasi-direct discourse"). "Heteroglossia" should not be confused with "polyphony." The latter term is used by Bakhtin primarily to describe Dostoevsky's multi-voiced" novels, whereby author's and heroes' discourses interact on equal terms. "Heteroglossia," on the other hand, foregrounds the clash of antagonistic social foces (pp. 248-49).

To Link!

It is certainly not easy to describe all the different forms of metropolitan resistance in the Italian context, if we consider it a peculiar place -a sort of political laboratory- within the European Union. The risk in this account is to reduce the value of specific geographical differences that characterize the Italian peninsula and its housing movements. It seems useful then to start from analyzing my experience in an occupied building which those who live in like myself define “lab”, as an example of the varied groups in metropolitan Rome, which is complex enough to allow us to leave behind the burden of an attempt of representing the Italian context in general. Two years ago, in 2002, we occupied a building we intended to transform into a lab for the metropolitan socially precarious (???explanation? Temps? Flexible?). This place has been named Acrobax project. The people involved in the project come from different backgrounds. Some of us are computer technicians, sound engineers, delivery boys and messengers, waiters, students, researchers, third sector (service) workers, and some unemployed. Our common condition of precariousness, regardless of the type of job or contract we may have, is mostly due to a temporary source of income, never guaranteed nor secured by year or longer contracts; this is a fundamental form of unbearable constrain on our lives. The idea of Acrobax, conceived as a space, a lab and a project, gvies us useful ways to overcome the previous “centri sociali” format, an established experience in Italy in the last 15-20 years, while recognizing their importance, we also need to strengthen it as a model, moving from the need of occupied, self-managed spaces to the sharing of social needs and desires, specific to all the other precarious groups of people, who are constantly denied such needs and desires, living in metropolitan Rome. From the very beginning, we tried to link our thoughts and collective work with new antagonists- or forms of antagonism (???) -and productive subjects, knowing that we are part of a constituting social subject, emerging as multiple and heterogeneous; in short, what is being called by many political groups “precariato”. (don’t know how / if translate this term??) Far from being the contemporary proletariat, il precariato, mainly dwelling in metropolitan areas, is experimenting practices, languages e organizational models clearly beyond traditional unions, with their consolidated power structures and forms of political activity. In fact il precariato belongs to a different era, where the production and the subsequent social composition have changed radically from the context in which the proletariat formed, and which characterized historically the worker’s movement in the twentieth century. Our project is reiterating and making visible the need of shifting the planes of action, of organization and social conflict, widening our interventions on the whole social life. This vision can not be simply reduced to labor and wage contradictions as such, (@@@check Marxxxxxx terms in English))), rather, it involves all spaces of production and reproduction of life. Such shift is not just a strategic response to capitalist’s transformations enacted globally, which redesigned power relations and labor relations in the new job market; it is also a general political choice, a shift to a wide involvement of the whole social aspects (sphere) of life. This shift is crucial for us, in order to propose a new way, approach, praxis, practice of resistance, of re-appropriation and struggle. Our attempt is to tackle the complexity of precarious life, to try and leave behind both the oppressing spaces of union political practices and the indefinite spaces of antiglobalization movement. Our mobilization tries to build a social struggle from below, using direct reappropriation of housing, transportation, communication, education and training. Our goal is the actual development of social actions and subjects, which are fundamental to the transformation of existence. If we think of territoriality as a striated, post-fordist ( I used striated as opposite of smooth in Deleuze’ english translation maybe we need a different term?) space, crossed by people moving, fluxes of information and commodities, - immaterial and material circuits of production, and re-production of life- the very urban territory must be seen differently from any old vision such as the fifties and sixties’ urban structures of the neighborhoods. The new metropolitan territory, modeled by the market’s needs, is re-designed in an infinite reproduction, widening its horizons, separating and diluting spaces so that social relations, traditionally developed in the old neighborhoods are broken. Contemporary urban space constitutes a metropolis where productive transformations shape constantly the social composition of the circuits of production (does it make much sense?). In the neighborhood where we are located a great change happened in the last decade, due to the development of the third University of Rome campus; this huge project is shaping the territory in a gradual, long term process. A corporate-model new university, constantly expanding materially and immaterially, designed in contrast to the old structure of University of Roma la Sapienza (the oldest campus), the new campus is a closed spaced, separated from the social, productive context (?). In an article written for the alternative magazine INFOXOA, titled “we reclaim everything!”, I described the role of the university as a university reaching the total control over the student/workers body who live in it. A new university, innovative, “European“, in the sense of the fashionable word today. What we would call provocatively a “post- fordist” university, characterized by a distribution over the urban territory, with departments, offices and facilities such as the cafeteria and Adisu, all dislocated in various areas connected by shuttle buses. Not surprisingly, such university departments are occupying the previously industrial areas, in South West Roma where factories and plants were, among others, Alfa Romeo cars and OMI. Our lab is at the border with this area and all the South roman periphery, reaching the seaside till the town of Ostia, where there have been ongoing battles and housing resistances over a social center/squatted house project called Vittorio Occupato. We are in relations with the Vittorio project, especially because of their ability to develop an intercultural project which involves more than 200 homeless migrants. At Acrobax, we decided to evolve from a small group of people doing night shifts to a squatted housing project, today hosting twenty dwellers, which we call ‘acrobats’. Once we took this decision, we connected to the larger city movement for housing rights. Such movement has been evolving from a fight for housing in itself as a right to the wider range of the right of a basic income, in the continuum of re-appropriation of time, house and survival resource, as converging planes of a new subjectivity (?). Since then, we connected more intensely with other occupied buildings’ political groups, within the citywide coordination for housing rights, an historical coalition based in Rome since the Seventies, mainly rooted in political views and practices of autonomy. Today, the citywide coalition calls for bi-weekly meetings, in alternate schedule with the specific areas coalitions’ meetings. This city network also allows for a stronger rooting of the areas specific coalitions, which adds to the variety of forms of political struggles. Such territorially based organization of activism around housing struggles is a tool we have been experimenting with, hoping to involve participation of a larger numbers of squatters. Considering that the social composition of new occupations is mainly immigrant groups, participation is already difficult because of language barriers. We are also trying to take into account the variety of territorially based mobilization: there are areas in which housing emergency has not yet brought to a mobilization of the inhabitants, which poses the problem on what to do to widen the participation. In this regard, we opened “information booths” in different occupied buildings, to inform and improve communication among different groups and metropolitan areas. Such information tools are thought of as a public space aimed at helping information circulation, opening new occasions of debate and exchange among the precarious population, so to produce a new imagination of shared forms of struggle. The so called “metropolitan information booths” are used as a flexible, fast tool for struggle, able to reach the fragmentary urban areas, to involve various subjects, starting from the specific needs and desires. They are an answer to stratification caused by privations and investments, both moved by pure profit logic, with its awful effect of a gradually increasing control and redesign of urban spaces. We believe that such information booths open possible a new form of social recomposition. For example, through such booths we are also connecting and re-vitalizing the metropolitan network for the right to an income. This network, in the last two years, organized important events of social communication and mobilization in Rome. They occupied the subway to reclaim free access to transportation, against the increased fees and costs of living. They mobilized with actions in large grocery stores to ask for a reduction of the cost of food. Finally, they were involved in direct action and demonstrations against temp-work agencies, and to occupation of many abandoned buildings around the city, a more traditional action for the housing rights network. In conclusion, the struggle for housing is one of the most relevant and historically successful in the history of Roma’s movements; recently there has been an increasing social strength. In this context, our attempt is to connect material aspects of autonomous organizing, to connect global and local contradictions, as the unfold in multiple places. One of the examples is the selling of public building and real estate of Rome( called cartolarizzazione), often being sold to multinational corporations or consulting firms, closely related to the Bush administration, such as the Carlyle Group and Morgan & Stanley. The connection among these planes is crucial to be able to develop a discourse able to transform the grounds of housing and income expropriation, experimenting and sharing conditions and direct practices, able to constitute new forms of metropolitan counter power. (contropotere ?). Such forms can define a political space for a new rebellious subject, the precariato, able to fight across new paths of resistance, to weave the fabric of social insubordination spreading in this metropolis. Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos! ( barricades close the streets but open new paths!) **find exact expression**

Certo che descrivere in maniera esaustiva le diverse esperienze e forme di resistenza metropolitana che si danno nel contesto italiano (particolare laboratorio politico della comunita europea) e' cosa complicata che rischia di non valorizzare a pieno le particolarita territoriali che percorrono in lungo e in largo tutta la penisola.

Quindi forse risultera piu congeniale partire da alcune considerazioni soggettive maturate dentro un'esperienza collettiva (come quella del laboratorio occupato nel quale vivo) prendendole per piu come riferimento dello ìspaccato metropolitanoî romano, che non al contrario come riferimento completo dell'intero contesto italiano.

Due anni fa abbiamo occupato uno spazio - Acrobax project - che abbiamo voluto chiamare laboratorio del precariato metropolitano.

"Siamo tecnici informatici, fonici, facchini, camerieri, operatori del terzo settore, studenti/borsisti, disoccupati. La condizione di precarieta che ci accomuna, a prescindere dalla tipologia lavorativa e contrattuale di ciascuno, scaturisce dall'intermittenza di un reddito non continuato, non garantito, fonte di ricatto insopportabile".(1)

Abbiamo intenzione con questo progetto, di contribuire al rilancio ma anche al superamento dell'esperienza storica dei centri sociali e degli spazi occupati, ponendo al centro della nostra attivita i bisogni sociali e i desideri comuni, che vengono quotidianamente negati a noi, come a tutti gli altri precari che vivono questa metropoli.

Da subito abbiamo calato la nostra riflessione e il nostro lavoro collettivo sulle nuove forme antagoniste espresse dalle emergenti soggettivita produttive, che costituiscono appunto quel soggetto sociale, molteplice ed eterogeneo, che ormai da piu parti e' indicato genericamente come "precariato".

Lungi dall'essere la traslazione di quello che fu storicamente il proletariato - non solo per una generale trasformazione del contesto produttivo ma anche per una relativa e conseguente mutazione interna alla stessa composizione sociale - il precariato che vive oggi nelle metropoli sperimenta ormai da tempo pratiche, linguaggi e forme organizzative, che hanno il dichiarato intento di superare la forma sindacale tradizionale che invece aveva caratterizzato storicamente il novecentesco movimento operaio.

Vogliamo per questo ribadire con il nostro progetto la necessita di ridislocare i piani d'azione di organizzazione e di conflitto, allargando il nostro intervento a tutta la sfera sociale dell'uomo. Che ovviamente non si riduce semplicemente nella contraddizione lavorativa e salariale tout court, ma che al contrario investe progressivamente tutti gli spazi di produzione e riproduzione di vita.

Non e' solo una scelta strategica a fronte del fatto che le trasformazioni che il capitalismo ha messo in campo su scala globale hanno completamente rimodulato i rapporti di forza sui "nuovi posti" di lavoro, ma e' anche una scelta politica di piu ampio respiro che vuole coinvolgere l'intera sfera sociale della vita, per poter cosÏ rilanciare un concreto percorso di resistenza, di riappropriazione e di lotta.

Cercando di aggredire la dimensione complessa della precarieta, proviamo a superare tanto gli angusti spazi della pratica sindacale quanto gli indefiniti spazi del movimento no-global.

Ci mobilitiamo infatti per costruire dal basso lotte sociali che sul terreno della riappropriazione diretta della casa dei trasporti della formazione come della comunicazione, si pongono l'obiettivo dello sviluppo concreto di quel protagonismo sociale: prerequisito fondamentale dei processi di trasformazione dell'esistente.

I percorsi di lotta che portiamo avanti dalla casa ai trasporti al reddito garantito, si sviluppano principalmente all'interno di una dimensione territoriale. Ovviamente il contesto metropolitano, attraversato e ridisegnato dai processi di trasformazione e ristrutturazione del capitale globale, obbliga a ridefinire il concetto di territorio, imponendo ai movimenti di lotta un'eterodossa e dinamica analisi progettuale.

Se il territorio e' lo spazio striato dalla produzione postfordista, attraversato dalla circolazione di persone, merci servizi e flussi informativi - quindi da circuiti materiali ed immateriali di produzione e riproduzione di vita - lo stesso territorio metropolitano, andra svincolato da qualsiasi visione corrispondente al vecchio sistema-quartiere della struttura urbana degli anni 50/60.

Il territorio metropolitano modellato costantemente in base alle esigenze produttive del mercato, si riconfigura nelle sue articolazioni e si riproduce all'infinito allargando il suo perimetro a perdita d'occhio, dilazionando e separando in tal modo le relazioni sociali tradizionalmente consolidate nei vecchi quartieri popolari.

Lo spazio metropolitano infatti si costituisce urbanisticamente, attestandosi sui luoghi della trasformazone produttiva plasmando e rimodulando costantemente la composizione sociale interna al suo stesso circuito. Per esempio nella nostra zona, il terzo polo universitario di Roma, nell'arco degli ultimi dieci anni ha innescato un immenso progetto di ridefinizione territoriale che sostanzialmente si e' sempre mosso in questa direzione.

"Un ateneo imprenditoriale in continua espansione materiale ed immateriale, sostanzialmente pensato in contrapposizione all'ormai desueta strutturazione della Sapienza, una cittadella universitaria chiusa in spazi ben definiti e separati dal tessuto produttivo. Un'universita che ora ha definitivamente irrigimentato il bacino di forza lavoro/utenza che la popola. Un ateneo innovativo, avanzato, molto "europeo", come si dice oggi. Un universita che, con una piccola provocazione, potremmo definire 'post-fordista' in senso pieno. Esemplare e' il suo modello di sviluppo urbanistico, che investe i territori, con le sue facolta dislocate, con i suoi servizi di trasporto, tipo "navette", che collegano le facolta alle segreterie, alla mensa, all'Adisu. Non e' un caso infatti che molte facolta abbiano preso fisicamente il posto di quelli che una volta erano le grandi fabbriche di Roma Sudovest, come l'Alfaromeo, l'ex Omi, etc." (2)

Il territorio che attraversiamo con il laboratorio e le relazioni di lotta che costruiamo quotidianamente, incrociano non solo la zona che ci e' immediatamente vicina, ma tutto il cono sud di Roma fino al mare, dove nella localita di ostia resiste e lotta da ben tredici anni un altro laboratorio socio abitativo, il Vittorio occupato, che sviluppa un progetto interculturale con piu di 200 senza casa, tutti migranti. Ad Acrobax dopo un primo periodo di occupazione, abbiamo deciso di trasformare il presidio notturno del laboratorio in un vero e proprio progetto abitativo (che attualmente comprende una ventina di acrobati). Solo allora ci siamo posti la questione di un movimento di lotta per la casa piu largo e cittadino. Un movimento che cominciasse a porre seriamente la rivendicazione della casa dentro una piu ampia rivendicazione di reddito, a partire gia da quello espropriato, individuando proprio il terreno della riappropriazione della casa, come un primo inevitabile piano di soggettivazione. E da allora e' nato il rapporto ormai sempre piu intenso con le altre occupazioni abitative, legate al coordinamento cittadino di lotta per la casa, storica struttura romana, legata al percorso politico dell'autorganizzazione sociale degli anni 70. (3).

Il coordinamento cittadino convoca le proprie assemblee generali ogni quindici giorni, intervallate da coordinamenti territoriali nelle altre due settimane. Attraverso questa forma a rete le diverse assemblee di zona tentano di stabilire una relazione territoriale piu solida per poter favorire con piu continuita l'incontro di molteplici percorsi di lotta.

La divisione per zone dell'attivita organizzativa e politica della lotta per la casa e' uno strumento che tra gli altri, stiamo sperimentando proprio negli ultimi mesi con l'obiettivo di favorire e stimolare la partecipazione diretta di quanti piu occupanti possibili. Considerando infatti che la composizione sociale delle nuove occupazioni e' ormai prevalentemente costituita da migranti, il problema della partecipazione si pone gia a partire dalla scarsa conoscenza della lingua italiana (4). Nella riorganizzazione del coordinamento abbiamo poi sollevato il problema delle forme d'intervento territoriale, ragionando su quali possibili strumenti di lotta adoperare per allargare e diffondere il fronte dell'emergenza abitativa a tutti quei settori sociali non ancora mobilitati.

Per cui abbiamo maturato l'idea degli sportelli (5) informativi e di lotta aperti anche in altre occupazioni come strumento di intervento e di interazione con il territorio metropolitano: concependoli quindi come uno spazio pubblico per favorire la circolazione delle informazioni, per creare nella citta momenti di confronto e riconoscimento tra precari e per immaginare comunemente possibili percorsi di lotta.

"Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi uno strumento agile e flessibile, modulato sugli interstizi della frammentazione metropolitana. Sono la risposta minimamente adeguata alle stratificazioni prodotte dalle privatizzazioni e dalle speculazioni che hanno irregimentato e ridisegnato il territorio metropolitano attraverso l'ideologia del profitto. Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi strumento di lotta, possibile spazio comune di soggettivazione, sono un luogo dove a partire dai bisogni e dai desideri comuni e' possibile sperimentare una prima forma di ricomposizione sociale". (6)

Attraverso gli sportelli stiamo tentando di rivitalizzare anche le iniziative della rete metropolitana per il reddito (7), che nell'arco degli ultimi due anni ha promosso a Roma mobilitazioni e momenti di comunicazione sociale abbastanza significativi. Per esempio sulla mobilita - occupando le metropolitane per rivendicare la gratuita dei trasporti - sul rincaro del costo della vita - con iniziative nei supermercati per reclamare la riduzione dei generi alimentari - contro le agenzie interinali - partecipando alle azioni dirette maturate in alcune manifestazioni - e ovviamente per il diritto alla casa - occupando diversi stabili abbandonati nella citta.

La lotta per la casa che e' sicuramente una della battaglie sociali piu consolidate nella storia dei movimenti romani, sta ritrovando soprattutto negli ultimi periodi una spinta sociale molto forte. Ma sta anche tentando di connettere con i percorsi materiali dell'autorganizzazione, le contraddizioni globali a quelle locali, che si dispiegano poi sui molteplici territori: e' il caso della cartolarizzazione (8) che sta svendendo il patrimonio immobiliare pubblico alle banche multinazionali, di cui alcune addirittura legate direttamente all'amministrazione Bush come la Morgan Stanley e la Carlyle.

Connettere questi piani e' necessario e fondamentale per procedere con un ordine del discorso capace da subito di trasformare il terreno della riappropriazione di reddito, come la casa, in una condizione comune di sperimentazione di pratiche volte all'affermazione costituente di nuove forme di contropotere metropolitano. Forme che, determinando quello spazio politico di soggettivazione antagonista e ribelle del precariato, tracciano instancabilmente i percorsi di resistenza e di lotta che divengono le trame dell'insubordinazione sociale diffusa di questa metropoli.

Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos!

rafael@acrobax.org

(1) www.acrobax.org

(2) Here let me take the liberty to refer the reader to my contribution to Infozoa number 16 “We demand everything! Knowledge, precarity and the citizen’s income”.

(3) In Rome the fight for housing has developed cyclically over the last thirty years, producing hundreds of occupations in numerous working class and popular neighbourhoods in the suburbs such as Torre Maura, Spinaceto, Laurentino, San Basilio, Pietralata and Cinecitta. The reappropriation of thousands of apartments in the city, mainly organized by autonomia operaia (worker’s autonomy) (which at the same time raised a broad demand for a ‘social wage’ going beyond just housing so to the reduction in the cost of electricity, water and gas) represented what was already the most socially advanced battle of the autonomous and extra-parliamentary left. Today the number of housing occupations linked to organizations such as the citizens’ coordination, the popular Committee and Action, which are in negotiations with the city administration come to several dozen and involve some two thousand units between families and individuals.

(4) For example the housing coordination’s last occupation (in a space which was formerly an airforce barracks) which is just 500 metres from our laboratory is predominantly composed of migrants coming from Equador, Peru, Morocco and Tunisia.

(5) “The intervention of the info-points in the struggle against the precariousness of life develops (si articola) on different levels starting from widespread needs: the crisis in housing, the sudden and radical precarization of the labour market and the insecurity of migrant’s situation exacerbated by the vile Bossi-Fini law.” From Infoxoa n.18 contribution of the Acrobax collective on metropolitan info-points.

(6) ibidem

(7) For us the demand for income represents the only recomposition proposal capable for this diffuse precariat that when not working off the books has contracts of a flexible, atypical, by project or intermittent and so on. We demand a guaranteed income uncoupled from work since we believe every one of us to be a continually productive social subject within the global neo-liberal supermarket. Thus an income which is unconditional– with respect to the provision of labour – and universal – distributed to all and leaving aside contractual typology – under the form of both direct monetary payment (erogazione) and indirect (that is an income that covers fundamental rights such as housing, transport, education and information through a new statute of citizenship. Obviously squatting a house and not paying a rent that often exceeds the average wage received, means posing the demand for income in terms of reappropriation and self-government and bypassing the legislative process which would in any case require a social reform such as that of “citizenship income”.

(8) Securitization (Cartolarizzazione) is a legislative instrument devised to sell off public real-estate, largely owned by social security bodies. Using the company s.c.i.p. the state is putting on the market a huge tranche of apartments which are for the most part inhabited. Banks are forcing tenants to buy their own houses at unreasonable prices, obliging in reality many to abandon them. The housing crisis generated by securitization will create at least 20,000 evictions all over Italy in the coming years, of which 10,000 in the city of Rome alone.

Two lines describing precarieta Two lines describing the effects of Bossi-Fini Explanation of the constantly productive subject.

To Link!

It is certainly not easy to describe all the different forms of metropolitan resistance in the Italian context, if we consider it a peculiar place -a sort of political laboratory- within the European Union. The risk in this account is to reduce the value of specific geographical differences that characterize the Italian peninsula and its housing movements. It seems useful then to start from analyzing my experience in an occupied building which those who live in like myself define “lab”, as an example of the varied groups in metropolitan Rome, which is complex enough to allow us to leave behind the burden of an attempt of representing the Italian context in general. Two years ago, in 2002, we occupied a building we intended to transform into a lab for the metropolitan socially precarious (???explanation? Temps? Flexible?). This place has been named Acrobax project. The people involved in the project come from different backgrounds. Some of us are computer technicians, sound engineers, delivery boys and messengers, waiters, students, researchers, third sector (service) workers, and some unemployed. Our common condition of precariousness, regardless of the type of job or contract we may have, is mostly due to a temporary source of income, never guaranteed nor secured by year or longer contracts; this is a fundamental form of unbearable constrain on our lives. The idea of Acrobax, conceived as a space, a lab and a project, gvies us useful ways to overcome the previous “centri sociali” format, an established experience in Italy in the last 15-20 years, while recognizing their importance, we also need to strengthen it as a model, moving from the need of occupied, self-managed spaces to the sharing of social needs and desires, specific to all the other precarious groups of people, who are constantly denied such needs and desires, living in metropolitan Rome. From the very beginning, we tried to link our thoughts and collective work with new antagonists- or forms of antagonism (???) -and productive subjects, knowing that we are part of a constituting social subject, emerging as multiple and heterogeneous; in short, what is being called by many political groups “precariato”. (don’t know how / if translate this term??) Far from being the contemporary proletariat, il precariato, mainly dwelling in metropolitan areas, is experimenting practices, languages e organizational models clearly beyond traditional unions, with their consolidated power structures and forms of political activity. In fact il precariato belongs to a different era, where the production and the subsequent social composition have changed radically from the context in which the proletariat formed, and which characterized historically the worker’s movement in the twentieth century. Our project is reiterating and making visible the need of shifting the planes of action, of organization and social conflict, widening our interventions on the whole social life. This vision can not be simply reduced to labor and wage contradictions as such, (@@@check Marxxxxxx terms in English))), rather, it involves all spaces of production and reproduction of life. Such shift is not just a strategic response to capitalist’s transformations enacted globally, which redesigned power relations and labor relations in the new job market; it is also a general political choice, a shift to a wide involvement of the whole social aspects (sphere) of life. This shift is crucial for us, in order to propose a new way, approach, praxis, practice of resistance, of re-appropriation and struggle. Our attempt is to tackle the complexity of precarious life, to try and leave behind both the oppressing spaces of union political practices and the indefinite spaces of antiglobalization movement. Our mobilization tries to build a social struggle from below, using direct reappropriation of housing, transportation, communication, education and training. Our goal is the actual development of social actions and subjects, which are fundamental to the transformation of existence. If we think of territoriality as a striated, post-fordist ( I used striated as opposite of smooth in Deleuze’ english translation maybe we need a different term?) space, crossed by people moving, fluxes of information and commodities, - immaterial and material circuits of production, and re-production of life- the very urban territory must be seen differently from any old vision such as the fifties and sixties’ urban structures of the neighborhoods. The new metropolitan territory, modeled by the market’s needs, is re-designed in an infinite reproduction, widening its horizons, separating and diluting spaces so that social relations, traditionally developed in the old neighborhoods are broken. Contemporary urban space constitutes a metropolis where productive transformations shape constantly the social composition of the circuits of production (does it make much sense?). In the neighborhood where we are located a great change happened in the last decade, due to the development of the third University of Rome campus; this huge project is shaping the territory in a gradual, long term process. A corporate-model new university, constantly expanding materially and immaterially, designed in contrast to the old structure of University of Roma la Sapienza (the oldest campus), the new campus is a closed spaced, separated from the social, productive context (?). In an article written for the alternative magazine INFOXOA, titled “we reclaim everything!”, I described the role of the university as a university reaching the total control over the student/workers body who live in it. A new university, innovative, “European“, in the sense of the fashionable word today. What we would call provocatively a “post- fordist” university, characterized by a distribution over the urban territory, with departments, offices and facilities such as the cafeteria and Adisu, all dislocated in various areas connected by shuttle buses. Not surprisingly, such university departments are occupying the previously industrial areas, in South West Roma where factories and plants were, among others, Alfa Romeo cars and OMI. Our lab is at the border with this area and all the South roman periphery, reaching the seaside till the town of Ostia, where there have been ongoing battles and housing resistances over a social center/squatted house project called Vittorio Occupato. We are in relations with the Vittorio project, especially because of their ability to develop an intercultural project which involves more than 200 homeless migrants. At Acrobax, we decided to evolve from a small group of people doing night shifts to a squatted housing project, today hosting twenty dwellers, which we call ‘acrobats’. Once we took this decision, we connected to the larger city movement for housing rights. Such movement has been evolving from a fight for housing in itself as a right to the wider range of the right of a basic income, in the continuum of re-appropriation of time, house and survival resource, as converging planes of a new subjectivity (?). Since then, we connected more intensely with other occupied buildings’ political groups, within the citywide coordination for housing rights, an historical coalition based in Rome since the Seventies, mainly rooted in political views and practices of autonomy. Today, the citywide coalition calls for bi-weekly meetings, in alternate schedule with the specific areas coalitions’ meetings. This city network also allows for a stronger rooting of the areas specific coalitions, which adds to the variety of forms of political struggles. Such territorially based organization of activism around housing struggles is a tool we have been experimenting with, hoping to involve participation of a larger numbers of squatters. Considering that the social composition of new occupations is mainly immigrant groups, participation is already difficult because of language barriers. We are also trying to take into account the variety of territorially based mobilization: there are areas in which housing emergency has not yet brought to a mobilization of the inhabitants, which poses the problem on what to do to widen the participation. In this regard, we opened “information booths” in different occupied buildings, to inform and improve communication among different groups and metropolitan areas. Such information tools are thought of as a public space aimed at helping information circulation, opening new occasions of debate and exchange among the precarious population, so to produce a new imagination of shared forms of struggle. The so called “metropolitan information booths” are used as a flexible, fast tool for struggle, able to reach the fragmentary urban areas, to involve various subjects, starting from the specific needs and desires. They are an answer to stratification caused by privations and investments, both moved by pure profit logic, with its awful effect of a gradually increasing control and redesign of urban spaces. We believe that such information booths open possible a new form of social recomposition. For example, through such booths we are also connecting and re-vitalizing the metropolitan network for the right to an income. This network, in the last two years, organized important events of social communication and mobilization in Rome. They occupied the subway to reclaim free access to transportation, against the increased fees and costs of living. They mobilized with actions in large grocery stores to ask for a reduction of the cost of food. Finally, they were involved in direct action and demonstrations against temp-work agencies, and to occupation of many abandoned buildings around the city, a more traditional action for the housing rights network. In conclusion, the struggle for housing is one of the most relevant and historically successful in the history of Roma’s movements; recently there has been an increasing social strength. In this context, our attempt is to connect material aspects of autonomous organizing, to connect global and local contradictions, as the unfold in multiple places. One of the examples is the selling of public building and real estate of Rome( called cartolarizzazione), often being sold to multinational corporations or consulting firms, closely related to the Bush administration, such as the Carlyle Group and Morgan & Stanley. The connection among these planes is crucial to be able to develop a discourse able to transform the grounds of housing and income expropriation, experimenting and sharing conditions and direct practices, able to constitute new forms of metropolitan counter power. (contropotere ?). Such forms can define a political space for a new rebellious subject, the precariato, able to fight across new paths of resistance, to weave the fabric of social insubordination spreading in this metropolis. Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos! ( barricades close the streets but open new paths!) **find exact expression**

Certo che descrivere in maniera esaustiva le diverse esperienze e forme di resistenza metropolitana che si danno nel contesto italiano (particolare laboratorio politico della comunita europea) e' cosa complicata che rischia di non valorizzare a pieno le particolarita territoriali che percorrono in lungo e in largo tutta la penisola.

Quindi forse risultera piu congeniale partire da alcune considerazioni soggettive maturate dentro un'esperienza collettiva (come quella del laboratorio occupato nel quale vivo) prendendole per piu come riferimento dello ìspaccato metropolitanoî romano, che non al contrario come riferimento completo dell'intero contesto italiano.

Due anni fa abbiamo occupato uno spazio - Acrobax project - che abbiamo voluto chiamare laboratorio del precariato metropolitano.

"Siamo tecnici informatici, fonici, facchini, camerieri, operatori del terzo settore, studenti/borsisti, disoccupati. La condizione di precarieta che ci accomuna, a prescindere dalla tipologia lavorativa e contrattuale di ciascuno, scaturisce dall'intermittenza di un reddito non continuato, non garantito, fonte di ricatto insopportabile".(1)

Abbiamo intenzione con questo progetto, di contribuire al rilancio ma anche al superamento dell'esperienza storica dei centri sociali e degli spazi occupati, ponendo al centro della nostra attivita i bisogni sociali e i desideri comuni, che vengono quotidianamente negati a noi, come a tutti gli altri precari che vivono questa metropoli.

Da subito abbiamo calato la nostra riflessione e il nostro lavoro collettivo sulle nuove forme antagoniste espresse dalle emergenti soggettivita produttive, che costituiscono appunto quel soggetto sociale, molteplice ed eterogeneo, che ormai da piu parti e' indicato genericamente come "precariato".

Lungi dall'essere la traslazione di quello che fu storicamente il proletariato - non solo per una generale trasformazione del contesto produttivo ma anche per una relativa e conseguente mutazione interna alla stessa composizione sociale - il precariato che vive oggi nelle metropoli sperimenta ormai da tempo pratiche, linguaggi e forme organizzative, che hanno il dichiarato intento di superare la forma sindacale tradizionale che invece aveva caratterizzato storicamente il novecentesco movimento operaio.

Vogliamo per questo ribadire con il nostro progetto la necessita di ridislocare i piani d'azione di organizzazione e di conflitto, allargando il nostro intervento a tutta la sfera sociale dell'uomo. Che ovviamente non si riduce semplicemente nella contraddizione lavorativa e salariale tout court, ma che al contrario investe progressivamente tutti gli spazi di produzione e riproduzione di vita.

Non e' solo una scelta strategica a fronte del fatto che le trasformazioni che il capitalismo ha messo in campo su scala globale hanno completamente rimodulato i rapporti di forza sui "nuovi posti" di lavoro, ma e' anche una scelta politica di piu ampio respiro che vuole coinvolgere l'intera sfera sociale della vita, per poter cosÏ rilanciare un concreto percorso di resistenza, di riappropriazione e di lotta.

Cercando di aggredire la dimensione complessa della precarieta, proviamo a superare tanto gli angusti spazi della pratica sindacale quanto gli indefiniti spazi del movimento no-global.

Ci mobilitiamo infatti per costruire dal basso lotte sociali che sul terreno della riappropriazione diretta della casa dei trasporti della formazione come della comunicazione, si pongono l'obiettivo dello sviluppo concreto di quel protagonismo sociale: prerequisito fondamentale dei processi di trasformazione dell'esistente.

I percorsi di lotta che portiamo avanti dalla casa ai trasporti al reddito garantito, si sviluppano principalmente all'interno di una dimensione territoriale. Ovviamente il contesto metropolitano, attraversato e ridisegnato dai processi di trasformazione e ristrutturazione del capitale globale, obbliga a ridefinire il concetto di territorio, imponendo ai movimenti di lotta un'eterodossa e dinamica analisi progettuale.

Se il territorio e' lo spazio striato dalla produzione postfordista, attraversato dalla circolazione di persone, merci servizi e flussi informativi - quindi da circuiti materiali ed immateriali di produzione e riproduzione di vita - lo stesso territorio metropolitano, andra svincolato da qualsiasi visione corrispondente al vecchio sistema-quartiere della struttura urbana degli anni 50/60.

Il territorio metropolitano modellato costantemente in base alle esigenze produttive del mercato, si riconfigura nelle sue articolazioni e si riproduce all'infinito allargando il suo perimetro a perdita d'occhio, dilazionando e separando in tal modo le relazioni sociali tradizionalmente consolidate nei vecchi quartieri popolari.

Lo spazio metropolitano infatti si costituisce urbanisticamente, attestandosi sui luoghi della trasformazone produttiva plasmando e rimodulando costantemente la composizione sociale interna al suo stesso circuito. Per esempio nella nostra zona, il terzo polo universitario di Roma, nell'arco degli ultimi dieci anni ha innescato un immenso progetto di ridefinizione territoriale che sostanzialmente si e' sempre mosso in questa direzione.

"Un ateneo imprenditoriale in continua espansione materiale ed immateriale, sostanzialmente pensato in contrapposizione all'ormai desueta strutturazione della Sapienza, una cittadella universitaria chiusa in spazi ben definiti e separati dal tessuto produttivo. Un'universita che ora ha definitivamente irrigimentato il bacino di forza lavoro/utenza che la popola. Un ateneo innovativo, avanzato, molto "europeo", come si dice oggi. Un universita che, con una piccola provocazione, potremmo definire 'post-fordista' in senso pieno. Esemplare e' il suo modello di sviluppo urbanistico, che investe i territori, con le sue facolta dislocate, con i suoi servizi di trasporto, tipo "navette", che collegano le facolta alle segreterie, alla mensa, all'Adisu. Non e' un caso infatti che molte facolta abbiano preso fisicamente il posto di quelli che una volta erano le grandi fabbriche di Roma Sudovest, come l'Alfaromeo, l'ex Omi, etc." (2)

Il territorio che attraversiamo con il laboratorio e le relazioni di lotta che costruiamo quotidianamente, incrociano non solo la zona che ci e' immediatamente vicina, ma tutto il cono sud di Roma fino al mare, dove nella localita di ostia resiste e lotta da ben tredici anni un altro laboratorio socio abitativo, il Vittorio occupato, che sviluppa un progetto interculturale con piu di 200 senza casa, tutti migranti. Ad Acrobax dopo un primo periodo di occupazione, abbiamo deciso di trasformare il presidio notturno del laboratorio in un vero e proprio progetto abitativo (che attualmente comprende una ventina di acrobati). Solo allora ci siamo posti la questione di un movimento di lotta per la casa piu largo e cittadino. Un movimento che cominciasse a porre seriamente la rivendicazione della casa dentro una piu ampia rivendicazione di reddito, a partire gia da quello espropriato, individuando proprio il terreno della riappropriazione della casa, come un primo inevitabile piano di soggettivazione. E da allora e' nato il rapporto ormai sempre piu intenso con le altre occupazioni abitative, legate al coordinamento cittadino di lotta per la casa, storica struttura romana, legata al percorso politico dell'autorganizzazione sociale degli anni 70. (3).

Il coordinamento cittadino convoca le proprie assemblee generali ogni quindici giorni, intervallate da coordinamenti territoriali nelle altre due settimane. Attraverso questa forma a rete le diverse assemblee di zona tentano di stabilire una relazione territoriale piu solida per poter favorire con piu continuita l'incontro di molteplici percorsi di lotta.

La divisione per zone dell'attivita organizzativa e politica della lotta per la casa e' uno strumento che tra gli altri, stiamo sperimentando proprio negli ultimi mesi con l'obiettivo di favorire e stimolare la partecipazione diretta di quanti piu occupanti possibili. Considerando infatti che la composizione sociale delle nuove occupazioni e' ormai prevalentemente costituita da migranti, il problema della partecipazione si pone gia a partire dalla scarsa conoscenza della lingua italiana (4). Nella riorganizzazione del coordinamento abbiamo poi sollevato il problema delle forme d'intervento territoriale, ragionando su quali possibili strumenti di lotta adoperare per allargare e diffondere il fronte dell'emergenza abitativa a tutti quei settori sociali non ancora mobilitati.

Per cui abbiamo maturato l'idea degli sportelli (5) informativi e di lotta aperti anche in altre occupazioni come strumento di intervento e di interazione con il territorio metropolitano: concependoli quindi come uno spazio pubblico per favorire la circolazione delle informazioni, per creare nella citta momenti di confronto e riconoscimento tra precari e per immaginare comunemente possibili percorsi di lotta.

"Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi uno strumento agile e flessibile, modulato sugli interstizi della frammentazione metropolitana. Sono la risposta minimamente adeguata alle stratificazioni prodotte dalle privatizzazioni e dalle speculazioni che hanno irregimentato e ridisegnato il territorio metropolitano attraverso l'ideologia del profitto. Gli sportelli metropolitani sono per noi strumento di lotta, possibile spazio comune di soggettivazione, sono un luogo dove a partire dai bisogni e dai desideri comuni e' possibile sperimentare una prima forma di ricomposizione sociale". (6)

Attraverso gli sportelli stiamo tentando di rivitalizzare anche le iniziative della rete metropolitana per il reddito (7), che nell'arco degli ultimi due anni ha promosso a Roma mobilitazioni e momenti di comunicazione sociale abbastanza significativi. Per esempio sulla mobilita - occupando le metropolitane per rivendicare la gratuita dei trasporti - sul rincaro del costo della vita - con iniziative nei supermercati per reclamare la riduzione dei generi alimentari - contro le agenzie interinali - partecipando alle azioni dirette maturate in alcune manifestazioni - e ovviamente per il diritto alla casa - occupando diversi stabili abbandonati nella citta.

La lotta per la casa che e' sicuramente una della battaglie sociali piu consolidate nella storia dei movimenti romani, sta ritrovando soprattutto negli ultimi periodi una spinta sociale molto forte. Ma sta anche tentando di connettere con i percorsi materiali dell'autorganizzazione, le contraddizioni globali a quelle locali, che si dispiegano poi sui molteplici territori: e' il caso della cartolarizzazione (8) che sta svendendo il patrimonio immobiliare pubblico alle banche multinazionali, di cui alcune addirittura legate direttamente all'amministrazione Bush come la Morgan Stanley e la Carlyle.

Connettere questi piani e' necessario e fondamentale per procedere con un ordine del discorso capace da subito di trasformare il terreno della riappropriazione di reddito, come la casa, in una condizione comune di sperimentazione di pratiche volte all'affermazione costituente di nuove forme di contropotere metropolitano. Forme che, determinando quello spazio politico di soggettivazione antagonista e ribelle del precariato, tracciano instancabilmente i percorsi di resistenza e di lotta che divengono le trame dell'insubordinazione sociale diffusa di questa metropoli.

Las barricadas cierran las calles pero abren los caminos!

rafael@acrobax.org

(1) www.acrobax.org

(2) Mi permetto di rinviare ad un mio contributo su Infoxoa n 16, ìReclamiamo tutto! Saperi, precarieta e reddito di cittadinanzaî.

(3) La lotta per la casa a Roma si e' sviluppata ciclicamente nel corso degli ultimi trent'anni, producendo centinaia di occupazioni in moltissimi quartieri popolari e borgate periferiche come Torre maura, Spinaceto, Laurentino, San Basilio, Ostia, Pietralata, Cinecitta. La riappropriazione di migliaia di appartamenti nella citta prevalentemente organizzata dall'autonomia operaia (che nel contempo poneva dentro l'ampia rivendicazione del salario sociale, oltre alla casa anche le riduzioni di luce, acqua e gas) rappresentava gia allora la battaglia socialmente piu avanzata della sinistra autonoma ed extraparlamentare. Oggi le occupazioni appartenenti alle organizzazioni di lotta come il coordinamento cittadino, il comitato popolare ed action, che sono ancora in trattativa con il comune arrivano a qualche decina, per un totale di 2000 nuclei tra familiari e single.

(4) Per esempio l'ultima occupazione del coordinamento (lo spazio era un ex caserma dell'aeronautica) situa a 500 metri dal nostro laboratorio, e' composta prevalentemente da migranti provenienti dall'Equador, dal Peru, dal marocco e dalla tunisia.

(5) L'intervento degli sportelli nella lotta contro la precarieta di vita si articola su diversi piani a partire dai bisogni diffusi: in particolare l'emergenza della precarieta abitativa, la repentina e radicale precarizzazione del mercato del lavoro e l'incertezza della condizione dei migranti aggravata dall'infame legge Bossi-Finiî da infoxoa n 18, contributo del collettivo Acrobax su gli sportelli metropolitani

(6) Ibidem

(7) La rivendicazione di reddito per noi rappresenta l'unica possibile proposta ricompositiva per tutto quel precariato diffuso che, quando non e' a nero, vive con contratti atipici, flessibili, interinali, a progetto, intermittenti e cosÏ via. Rivendichiamo un reddito garantito sganciato dalla prestazione lavorativa formale, poiche' crediamo che ognuno di noi e', dentro l'ipermercato globale neoliberista, un soggetto sociale costantemente produttivo. Quindi un reddito incondizionato — rispetto alla prestazione lavorativa — ed universale - erogato a tutti, a prescindere dalla tipologia contrattuale — sotto forma di erogazione monetaria diretta, e indiretta (cioe' un reddito che copra attraverso un nuovo statuto di cittadinanza i diritti fondamentali come la casa, l'informazione, i trasporti, la formazione, etc). Ovviamente occupare una casa non pagando l'affitto che molte volte supera il salario medio percepito, significa porre la rivendicazione di reddito gia sul terreno della riappropriazione e dell'autogoverno, scavalcando l'iter legislativo che necessiterebbe comunque una riforma sociale quale quella del ìreddito di cittadinanzaî.

(8) la cartolarizzazione e' un dispositivo di legge che si occupa di svendere il patrimonio residenziale pubblico, prevalentemente di proprieta degli enti previdenziali. Attraverso la societa s.c.i.p. lo stato sta mettendo sul mercato una fetta enorme di appartamenti, per la maggioranza abitati. Le banche stanno costringendo gli inquilini a comprare a prezzi inaccessibili le loro stesse case, obbligando di fatto molti ad abbandonarle. L'emergenza abitativa causata dalla cartolarizzazione creera nei prossimi anni almeno 20000 sfratti in tutta l'italia, di cui 10000 solo nella citta di Roma.

We want a shorter working Year

give us a shorter working Life

more time for the husband

more time for the wife

more time for the children and more time for friends

more time for meditate more time to create

more time for living more time for life

more time we need more time Give we more time

LKJ, "More Time"

".....the best lack all ambition while the worst are full of terrible intensity"

Yeats, the Second Coming

Remixing Knowledge and Pleasure From anti-copyright to the new commons

The legends ‘anti-copyright’ appeared first in the late 1980s in self-produced fanzines. The music industry was in the midst of a jihad: "Home Taping is Killing Music" they screamed, a time not unlike now in sun. Meanwhile, in a not so distant universe, programmers had moved from rejection to subversion of copyright laws, experimenting with the General Public License propounded by the GNU project. The license returned freedoms taken away from users by copyright and required that those who built upon this code make their own source code available in turn. This quality is what gives the ‘copyleft’ license a 'viral' quality. Licenses protect the user from legal action so long as the terms and conditions are observed no contact with the 'author' is required. You are free to reuse provided every modification and improvement becomes available to all.

Following the completion of the GNU/Linux operating system in 1992, the GPL’s fame spread like wildfire and began to spawn imitators in domains outside of software. Artists, writers, musicians and film-makers created a babel of different licenses granting to users rights that were taken of them by a copyright law in constant expansion. These licenses were inconsistent with one another and none managed to galvanise a sufficient community to start a movement akin to what occurred in free software. This wasn't surprising; text, music and video each have their particularities and cannot be treated as being the same as software. But the GPL taught a lesson: by putting things in common it was possible to change the way software is produced, build the only serious opposition to the Microsoft monopoly and stop the continual theft of programmer's knowledge through employment contracts that gave companies exclusive control over the final program.

Cut to 2002. Creative Commons is bring this idea of freedom to culture. It is not the first, but sponsored by Larry Lessig and many outraged at copyright expansion, it quickly becomes the most succesful. The core of the project is a software engine that produces custom licenses on the answers to three questions: - does the producer insist on the association of their name with the work (“attribution”)? - is it available for any form of reuse or only non-commercial activity? - can new (derivative) works be created from it and if so under what circumstances?

Two divergent and clashing conceptions in the use of CC licenses become evident.

The first employs them as instruments designed to guarantee access.The 'commons' that this model aspires towards is one based only on consumption. Universal reception is approved but all other rights are reserved, especially control over context and reuse. Only non-commercial use if permitted. Sometimes no derivative works are allowed due to a desire to protect the integrity of the text or video.

The second focuses on amassing a large stock of common materials for whose use no-one's permission is required. The fear of commercial appropriation is put aside for the hope of contaminatory insinuation into the mainstream thus integration even into commercial works is permitted. But all new (derivative) works must be available to be used themselves - it's the GPL for culture and it relies upon the sharealike clause - I share if you share.

Thus the potential emerges for a material base of raw materials that can be continually reworked, improved upon and exploited in any number of ways. Contributors are assured that their work will not be appropriated unilaterally. Other works infected by sharealike become collective wealth and a form of indirect income like free transport, access to education and housing. At a moment of both generalizssed precarization and restraints on expression it provides a rare guarantee.

The success of the GPL was not based only on legal force; its goals were simple and it provided a clear way for people to share their work with others without fear of being ripped off. In this sense the license is a media itself and a community around which others sharing a dissident idea about how to produce can gather. The two different visions contained in CC make this more difficult. This tension undermines its mobilizing power; there cannot be a creative commons community where 75% of the users nominate terms that neither facilitate new creativity nor provide access to the economic resource for self-sustenance that the proud term commons refers to.

Systems of video-sharing such as V2V and New Global Vision offer a vision of a different mode of production for audio-visual works, but will never reach their full potential - sharing footage shot globally, conducting interviews for one another, remixing narratives - until clear rules governing cooperation emerge as shared values. The construction of a true commons means building and securing a shared archive of materials to allow both us to be sustainable in the present and capable of superceding the state of things in the future. The price of the freedom proffered is the relinquishment of the will to control.

[Italiano sotto]

Hi all,

Over the last month I've spoken to a number of people about the need to create a common discussion on the subject of intellectual property, communications and immaterial production. The first transnational hackmeeting planned for Pula in June suggests that the moment may be right to try and develop a common response to a shared problem.

The recent announcement of legal actions against users of P2P networks makes this more urgent, IMHO. The proposal is attached below and has not been made public yet. I have no desire to manage or control this project and will not circulate it until there is a response and amendment of the text that reflects that it is a shared interest.

If you would like your response forwarded to the people bcc'ed on this mail, please indicate so. If you don't want to receive any further mail on this matter, just let me know.

cheers,

a.

Ciao Tutti/e,

Da un mese sto parlando con diverse gente del bisogno di creare una discussione condivisa sul sogetto di proprieta intelletuale, communicazioni e la produzione immateriale. Il primo hackmeeting progettato per Pula alla fine di giugno suggerisce che puo essere il momento adatto per provare sviluppare una risposta commune a una problema condivisa.

L'annuncio negli ultimi giorni dell'inizio di cause giuridiche contro gli utenti di rete P2P in Europa lo rende ancora piu urgente. Il documento sotto non e' publico xche non ho voglia, comunque, di gestire o controllare un tale progetto e quindi non sara messo in circolazione fino che ci fosse una risposta e amendimento del testo che indica che c'e' un interesso condiviso.

Mi dispiace che il descrizione e' solo in inglese.

Se vuoi la tua risposta girata anche a chi sta sul 'bcc' di questa mail, indicarlo. Se non vuoi riecevere altri messagi su questa facenda, fami sape' ;)

saluti,

a.

==================

Proposal for a wiki based/modular collection for a common european discussion; (or the mother of all FAQs and some polyphony....)

Form/Content a reader/dossier/assemblage on the following three themes:

- intellectual property - immaterial labour - communications

basically broken down into four sections:

(1) - introduction to the concepts and the key problems [clear explanations of functioning, consequences, locations of decision-making power, interconnections]

(2) - descriptions of actions carried out to contest/render visible the conflictuality in them [satellite decryption, attacks on advertising, strategies of workplace disruption, technical techniques for circumnavigating enclosures etc.]

(3) - alternative propositions capable of resolving the problems which the existing institutions in this area are supposedly intended to solve [self-organization, licensing, lo-tech technics, non-proprietary solutions, hacklabs]

(4) - perspectives: given the three previous parts, what are the implications/horizons/possible directions to proceed? [too many different perspectives to be worth listing]

The idea would be to try and appropriate as much as possible from already existing texts rather than to write new ones.

A useful byproduct of this work would be a list of the different groups active in these areas, the level of their operations (grassroots, institutional etc) and the resources they dispose of.

Objectives

Apart from the content element, the work would have two objects:

(1) - in the different local/linguistic areas of europe (and beyond) these themes have been under discussion for quite some time. in each case there is a different background/emphasis. There is an inability to create a common discussion in part due to the barriers of language. The first key part would be the translation of sections of texts from the various 'local situations' into as many languages as possible. The idea being that eventually we would have a common set of materials existing in multiple languages. It may seem mad but when i think of Oekonux(Germany)/Hipatia(Argentina/Latin America/Iberian Peninsula)/Hacklabs-operaismo(Italy)/capitalisme cognitive (french)/empirical work done in english etc.

There seem to be a lot of similarities and an inadequate level of exchange. As a result there is a lot of time and effort wasted as the same themes are discussed in different contexts without even the benefits of those differing approaches being enjoyed.

(2) At the same time we are faced with an adversary on a european level which is united.

- this process could help to build up a tissue of relationships ultimately capable of acting in future conflicts. Like when the first individual is sued for file-sharing. or when the first person is charged criminally. And unfortunately in the first case i expect that to happen any time now.

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Building Participation My proposal is to ask that collaborators present the proposal at all relevant meetings in the next months (Telestreet Conference/Italian Hackmeeting/Hipatia days/Jornadas Copyleft/ Oekonux 3/Free Bitflows/Wizards of OS) whilst actually initiating the work. Apart from these physical events we would of course use the existing mailing lists (hacklabs, hackmeeting, indy, independent collectives etc) to gather those interested.

A first presentation of the work in progress would be made in Pula, Croatia, during the Transnational HackMeeting, but obviously it would be a work in progress. If the thing is decent - and it should be - it ought not be difficult to find publishers in different languages, but this would obviously be left up to those wanting to take responsibility for it and wouldn't be a core part of the project aims.

Output

Rather than laying down a rule for a final product, the idea would be to set it up clearly so that it was modular. if we're clear about this from the beginning, it should be possible to continue with the work even in case of serious disagreements [license, agreement on method of presentation of project in public, collective 'author' list based on labour and providing the option to disassociate from individual sections]

Maintainer-groups might be useful for looking after sections, languages etc.

Request for Comments Your thoughts and criticisms are requested :-)

I've already spoken with several people about it informally and some 'get' the utility of the proposition immediately. Do you?

Is it too vague? I don't want to occupy the center in this so I'm hoping that leaving it open will enable people to take it and develop it as theirs.

Or is it too defined, creating stupid limitations and exclusions?

What guidelines/structures need to be developed from the beginning so as to anticipate potential conflicts/forks/other problems?

If such a project is not relevant to the work you are doing, why is that?

Opening Elements

1. Four pillar structure

2. Group memory

3. Decision-making and divergence.

4. Questions left open in the project description.

5. Where does the explanatory meet the engagement?

A Users Guide to Autonomedia/Interactivist network (Updated and Amended)

The following is broken down into the features that are most useful and the known problems. Because the use of the functionality relies upon being able to get arouind the existing bugs, we'll start with the flaws.

Known Bugs

Editors please note! At the moment there seems to be a problem with the database, nothing very serious. Sometimes when one clicks on the "Read More" tab below a new story there appears a page with no text at all. Once a few calls have been put into the database the problpme seems to resolve itself. This is something for editors to keep an eye on so that users don't encounter it.

Editors please note 2! When a user is submitting a story there is the option to classify it as an "article" under the drop-down menu. This is in fact fantasy: there are five categories: analysis/polemic, news, reviews, events and announcements. This means that if something is published as an article it will not appear within a section. If the publication option is set to "always display", it will appear on the front page, but only there. If one selects "only in section" then it will disappear. Unfortunately the option to submit as "article" is locked in by default and cannnot yet be removed. This means that everyone should keep an eye out for articles within the database where this mistake has been made.

There are some serious bugs, one specifically relating to cookie path problems accrued through the use of multiple domains which make things very confusing. This known bug, and one or two others will be clearly signaled. The crux of it is that in order to log in one must be at: http://info.interactivist.net and in order to write in one's journal it requires that you log-in a second time, then the menu changes.

This is a serious problem, we recognize that, and the best that can be done about it at the moment is to be explicit about its existence.

The other known bug is that the links to the science and technology sections bring you to a lost windswept feed. Use the search for technology articles. (Uncle Fluffy informs us that this has now been rectified).

Some Features Available to Registered Users

I might signal to you that once logged in you might find the following functionalities useful:

- journals

A space for you to throw up your mad comments without having to pass by the vigilant eye of the editorial group (!) - actually we really just sift the spam...

- moderation and comment filtering

The fundamental difference between this site and, for example, indymedia, is the ability to evaluate the comments of other users. Each comment has a score, which is the sum of users moderations.

Comments posted by anonymous users start at 0.

Comments posted by logged in users start at 1, or 2 if you have a history of positive contribution (this is judged by the software)

Under each comment, next to the "reply to this comment" button, there is a drop down menu where you can select from descriptions such as: redundant, troll, normal, insightful or interesting and have an effect of increasing or decreasing the rating.

Comments end up with a rating somewhere on a spectrum between -1 and +5. At the bottom of each story, before the comments begin, there is a dropdown menu titled "threshold" which allows you to eliminate all comments rated below a certain score. This shgould remove trolls and irrelevant shit.

Of course this facility only becomes useful if more people start commenting....

Getting Messages via the system: Oncfe logged in you can set a series of options that allow you to receive messages through the system to alert you to (a) new stories (b)a response to a comment you have made whil elogged in (c)a comment left on your diary (d) containing the headlines for the stories published each day. These me4ssatges can either be stored for you on the web-page, in which case their presence will be indicated each time you log in, or alternatively the can be sent directly to an email address of your choice.

http://info.interactivist.net/my/messages/ - digest option

Get the headlines to the new stories posted on the site

How: go to preferences (located above your user name) and then click on messages (an option which will appear below your user name). You can then set the system to send daily headlines or full articles.

- rss customization The boxes of headlines on the left hand side of the main page are RSS (really simple syndication) feeds. There are a wide range of sites that you can choose from. This will allow you to follow what is going on in these different places without the need to visit them individually.

We can also add feeds at users' suggestion.

- comment and general notifications If your friends journal has been updates, or if someone has responded to a comment you have made... how: in the same panel "messages" like the digest

- friends and foes

Friends and foes are accumulated by clicking on a user name (but it must be followed by the regstration number, eg:

by mr.smartarse (1111) whose link will be: http://info.interactivist.net/~mr.smartarse/

that will bring you to the appropriate member page. Under their name click on 'relation' - you can then edit appropriately. In this case that url will be http://info.interactivist.net/zoo.pl?op=check&uid=1111

Nominating someone as a friend can automatically increase the rating that your personlised system attaches to that persons contributions.

many of these are located in preferences panel; once you're logged in.

- unique id enabling anonymized communication via the site

Take your Rage out on Us ;-)

abh and I are putting together this how-to article right now, but more pressing tasks in the next days mean that it will not be out until after May 1, it will be then anchored in the top of the page.

Feel free to ask any other questions and make complaints. As far as I'm concerned it will help me put together the document that we need so badly.

The site is built off slashcode and is currently running the CVS version. The most detailed documentation of its features is to be found of course on slashdot, check out their FAQ here.

From the late ‘80s an embryonic hostility to copyright law became visible. Fuelled by the fanzine revolution, the aggression of the music industry’s “Home Taping is Killing Music!” and the ease of copying computer games from tape cassettes, this sentiment expressed itself under the legends ‘anti-copyright’. Meanwhile, in a not so distant universe, programmers had already been experimenting with the subversion of copyright laws using the General Public License propounded by the GNU project. The license is an offer to the world to use the work as they like so long as they respect the conditions specified, no contact with the owner is required. The source code for GPL software is always available, and any program integrating GPL elements must itself be made available under the same terms. This quality is what gives the ‘copyleft’ license its viral quality. Every modification and improvement becomes available to all.

Following the completion of the GNU/Linux operating system the GPL’s fame spread like wildfire and began to spawn imitators in domains outside of software. Artists, writers, musicians and film-makers created a babel of different licenses granting to users rights that were taken of them by a copyright law in constant expansion. These licenses were inconsistent with one another and none managed to galvanise a sufficient community to start a movement akin to what occurred in free software.

Creative Commons began in 2002 with the aim of bridging this gap between software and culture. Their site contains a software engine that produces legal documents based on the answers to three questions: - does the producer insist on the association of their name with the work (“attribution”)? - is it available for any form of reuse or only non-commercial activity? - can new (derivative) works be created from it and if so under what circumstances?

we can discern two divergent and clashing conceptions in the users of CC licenses.

The first employs them as instruments designed to guarantee.The 'commons' that this model aspires towards is one based only on consumption. Universal reception is approved but all other rights are reserved, especially control over context and reuse.

The second focuses on amassing a large stock of common materials for whose use no-one's permission is required. The fear of commercial appropriation is put aside for the hope of contaminatory insinuation into the mainstream. At a moment when the general permeation of casualization and 'precarity' become starkly visible, it seeks to secure access to immaterial wealth is a form of insurance over one's own future. Constituting a countervailing block to monopolies based on exclusivity and control, it offers a material base of raw materials that can be continually reworked, improved upon re-elaborated and exploited in any number of unforseeable ways. Contributors are assured that their work will not be appropriated unilaterally. In this sense common (non) property is collective wealth and a form of indirect income analogous to free transport, access to education and housing. In a world of capricious underemployment and restraints on expression it provides a rare guarantee.

The success of the GPL was not based only on legal force; its goals were simple and it provided a clear way for people to share their work with others without fear of being ripped off. In this sense the license is a media itself and a community around which others sharing a dissident idea about how to produce can gather. The two different visions contained in CC make this more difficult. This tension undermines its mobilizing power; there cannot be a creative commons community where 75% of the users nominate terms that neither facilitate new creativity nor provide access to the economic resource for self-sustenance that the proud term commons refers to.

Systems of video-sharing such as V2V and New Global Vision offer a vision of a different mode of production for audio-visual works, but will never reach their full potential until clear rules governing cooperation emerge as shared values. The construction of a true commons means building and securing a shared archive of materials to allow both us to be sustainable in the present and capable of superceding the state of things in the future. The price of the freedom proffered is the relinquishment of the will to control.

Q: Enforcement of these kinds of laws and directives is becoming very fast and pushy. What's the hurry?

I would like to ask you to say something more about consequences of this law enforcement in East European countries. Do you think that you can do that?

The intensity of enforcement derives from the constant pressure exerted via the US Trade Representative. Each year there is a report listing those countries who have been naughty in copyright terms which is based on information provided by organizations like the International Intellectual Property Association ( a cross-industry lobby group) the Business Software Association, MPAA etc. These organizations are employing consultants and investigators all over the place, running promotional campaigns and have excellent relations with the embassies. The annual report comes out in April so in the months immediately prior to this, states must be seen to be ‘pro-active’.

Current enforcement strategies concentrate on production facilities and distribution points, particularly market places.

Countries like Latvia were considered to be important shipment routes for Ukrainian and Russian product so there we will see more action at the border.

Hungary extends duration. Establishment of special police units on internet and IPR crime etc. Increased pressure on ISPs (in Hungary via a 2001 cooperation agreement). Industry gets very upset about the length of time it takes to prosecute a case and demands a rationalization of the court infrastructure. They are also pursuing cable and television companies who broadcast programs without having payed for the rights. Pressure to increase fines and punishments in general.

Pressure on to institute ex parte searches, usually carried out by private parties but in the presence of a law official, conducted without warning with the intention of seizing evidence. Part of civil action.

Kadaka Market (Estonia), Petofi (Hungary) Warsaw Stadium (Poland)

Gaming Cafes in Romania.

ROACT, is gathering information to organize raids on Internet cafés and private locations

Estonia (1) free and 24-hour access to all FTP servers, including passwords in protected servers, etc.; (2) the immediate removal of pirated files (the current MoU requires 48 hours’ response time); and (3) the identification of FTP users by ISPs.

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