Radical media, politics and culture.

Race Politics

Anonymous Comrade writes:

On the 20th of January
an email
to the Oekonux list
claimed that "Debian harbours Nazis' on the basis that a
Debian developer, Jonathan Walther,
hosts an extensive collection of
and fascist
documents on his personal web site.

"An Anarchist Introduction to Critical Race Theory"

RACE (Revolutionary Anti-Authoritarians of Color)

Critical Race Theory starts by asking the same questions about race, racism
and power that a myriad of academic disciplines and activists have pondered
for the past century. It draws upon critical legal studies and radical feminism
in the formation of its approach. While it is primarily concerned with the legal
arena, it is activist in nature and has come to include political science, education,
American and ethnic studies and more.

There is an entire trajectory represented by Critical Race Theory (CRT) that
is far beyond the scope of either an introduction or a pamphlet. This means
that we have made choices, both in which concepts we are choosing to highlight,
and in what conclusions we are choosing to share in relation to the theory.
Our choices reflect our personal stories, our cultural histories, and our history
within RACE (the organization). We are choosing to share our positive experience
with CRT (to date) as a way to inspire an anarchist theory of race, and to challenge
the assumptions that we necessarily share a single vision of liberation, struggle,
or oppression.

Friday 9th January at 3pm
Seminar Room, Aberfoyle House, Magee Campus, Northland Avenue.
"How the Irish became White in America"
Lecture by Noel Ignatiev.
Free. All Welcome.
Hosted by Institute for Irish Cultural Heritage.

Friday 16th January at 3pm

Seminar Room, Aberfoyle House, Magee Campus, Northland Avenue, Derry.

"How the Irish became White in America"

Lecture by Noel Ignatiev.

Free. All Welcome.

Hosted by Academy for Irish Cultural Heritages.

Sat 17 January 2pm.

Pat Finucane Centre.

1 Westend Park

"Strategies for Anti-Racism in the north of Ireland"

A talk by Noel Ignatiev.

Hosted by the Pat Finucane Centre and the Anti Racist Monitoring Network.

All welcome. Free admission.

hydrarchist writes:

This from August's edition of New Left Review. South Africa as vanguard of post-colonial neoliberalism, and laboratory of its social consequences. From the townships around
Johannesburg, rebellion against the privatizations of the ancregime, and the enrichment of a new political class.

"Sparks In The Township"

Trevor Ngwane

Where were you born and brought up, and what was your family background?

I was born in 1960 in Durban. My father and mother were medical nurses. My grandfathers were both Presbyterian preachers, from Zululand. My father was an anc supporter. He spent some time in Dar es Salaam when I was small. I’m not sure that he went because of politics: people got out for lots of reasons, for opportunities or dignity. He came back for the sake of the family. But anyone who had been abroad was targeted by the Special Branch once they returned to South Africa. Although he was not really active, they used to visit him every week or so when I was a child; he died more or less a broken man. He definitely had an influence on me. I remember him showing me some political books: there was one in a brown-paper cover, so I never knew the author or title. When I was six we moved to Zululand. My parents worked in a hospital there run by a Scottish missionary, who tried to work along progressive lines. There was a black Jesus in the chapel, for example—that was something in those days; we used to point him out to each other. At that time, Buthelezi was considered quite a hero—he refused to accept ‘independent homeland’ status for Zululand, toured the country speaking out for black people and met with the anc. Even my father was fooled when he set up Inkatha with the colours black, green, gold: ‘It’s the colours of the anc!’ he told me; only the older people knew that then.

Anonymous Comrade writes

Hope Against Hope"

John Chuckman

I don't know how many times I've seen articles about Wesley Clark making a formidable opponent for George Bush. And I agree, he likely would, but so what?

I too am sick of the sound of Bush's voice. My radio dial is turned five words into any sound clip from this dangerous half-wit with a speech impediment, but what can be gained by replacing him with Clark?

polo submits "Stupid White Men

Michael Moore in Belfast

"amongst those who are oppressed are many who like to oppress..."

Anthony McIntyre • August 19, 2003

When Tommy Gorman phoned me on a Saturday evening and asked if I would like to accompany him to the Michael Moore talk - a roar would be a more apt description - at the West Belfast Feile, I was delighted to get the chance. Previous to his call I had assumed no tickets were available due to such a high early demand. The Feile's Carol Jackson later explained that within an hour of release the tickets were gone. Not that surprising given that they went gratis and few would have survived the opening rush once made available to a hungry public.

Moore has assumed something of iconographic status for many on the left seeking alternatives to the less than inspirational clowns that the left have been wont to worship over the years. Breezy and irreverent he has made a reputation for ridiculing the sacred cows of the right. Amongst the issues he has tackled, according to one report in Dissent magazine, are the increased use of prison labour; botched urban renewal schemes; the temping of the workforce; and problems of welfare, violence and racism. The prospect of hearing him thunder live was not to be turned down.

Rob Eshelman

I didn’t sleep very well; all night I heard the sound of tanks maneuvering through the streets of Jenin. Or were they the sounds of bulldozers? Why would a bulldozer be running at three in the morning? Getting up from the flat roof of an office building where I was trying to sleep I’d look over the edge of the building.

Then came the sound of distinct gunfire. The rapid crackle of fully automatic M-16 fire, the tell tale sign of the Israeli Defense Forces. They’ve got unlimited ammunition whereas Al Aksa and other Palestinian resistance groups don’t so they opt for semi-automatic bursts or single shots. I didn’t sleep much and the next day I was to travel to Salfit.

"No, It's Not Anti-Semitic

Judith Butler

Profoundly anti-Israel views are increasingly finding support in progressive intellectual communities. Serious and thoughtful people are advocating and taking actions that are anti-semitic in their effect if not their intent. -- Lawrence Summers, 17 September 2002

When the president of Harvard University declared that to criticise Israel at this time and to call on universities to divest from Israel are 'actions that are anti-semitic in their effect, if not their intent', he introduced a distinction between effective and intentional anti-semitism that is controversial at best. The counter-charge has been that in making his statement, Summers has struck a blow against academic freedom, in effect, if not in intent. Although he insisted that he meant nothing censorious by his remarks, and that he is in favour of Israeli policy being 'debated freely and civilly', his words have had a chilling effect on political discourse. Among those actions which he called 'effectively anti-semitic' were European boycotts of Israel, anti-globalisation rallies at which criticisms of Israel were voiced, and fund-raising efforts for organisations of 'questionable political provenance'. Of local concern to him, however, was a divestment petition drafted by MIT and Harvard faculty members who oppose Israel's current occupation and its treatment of Palestinians. Summers asked why Israel was being 'singled out . . . among all nations' for a divestment campaign, suggesting that the singling out was evidence of anti-semitic intentions. And though he claimed that aspects of Israel's 'foreign and defence' policy 'can be and should be vigorously challenged', it was unclear how such challenges could or would take place without being construed as anti-Israel, and why these policy issues, which include occupation, ought not to be vigorously challenged through a divestment campaign. It would seem that calling for divestment is something other than a legitimately 'vigorous challenge', but we are not given any criteria by which to adjudicate between vigorous challenges that should be articulated, and those which carry the 'effective' force of anti-semitism.

"Lepers, Witches and Infidels:

Or Shall We Just Call Them Refugees?"

Karen Eliot, Adelaide, 28 July 2003

In the space of just under 4 hours the crispy blue Adelaide winter
morning turned to fat grey rain and wind. In the climate-controlled Room
R on Level 5 of the Family Court in the city centre the passage of time
and weather didn't directly touch the crowd of sixty activistas, human
rights observers, Indigenous elder, lawyers, media, translators,
parents, ACM drones, Federal Police and ghosts. Just as the five Afghani
children whose immediate fates and long-term futures were at stake
didn't touch us by their actual presence. The un-famous five existed,
like the weather, outside of this impersonal room, in the liminal space
of immigration detention, 'between the floor and the sky', somewhere
no-one wants to be.

Né qui, né altrove - Migration, Detention, Desertion:

A Dialogue between Sandro Mezzadra & Brett Neilson

University of Bologna :: University of Western Sydney

1. Sandro Mezzadra teaches the History of Contemporary Political
Thought at the University of Bologna. He is an active figure in the
alternative globalisation movement in Italy, and has been particularly
involved in bringing the question of migration to the centre of
political struggle in that movement. Sandro is the author of works
such as Diritto di fuga: Migrazioni, cittadinanza, globalizzazione
(2001) and (with Fabio Raimondi) Oltre Genova, oltre New York: Tesi
sul movimento globale (2001). He is also a member of the editorial
collective of DeriveApprodi magazine, one of the chief venues in Italy
for the critical analysis of contemporary capitalism. We met in
Bologna one foggy January afternoon to discuss the global movement,
migration, and border control in Europe and Australia.

2. (Neilson) In your talk in the seminar 'Diritto a migrare, diritto
d'asilio' at the European Social Forum you emphasized that the
question of migration had become a central concern for the global
movement in Italy. While the issue of migration had not been a primary
concern at the first World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, it had
emerged as a fundamental question in the lead-up to the Firenze
meetings, particularly in the wake of the G8 protests in Genova. Can
you describe how migration became a central issue for the global
movement, giving some detail about concurrent developments in border
control at the European level?


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