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Anonymous Comrade writes:

First published in Mute Vol 2 #1 - Underneath the Knowledge Commons issue [http://www.metamute.org/en/knowledgecommons]

Reality check: Are We Living In An Immaterial World?

M30:: 14.12.05

by Steve Wright


Immaterial Labour is seen by (post) Marxists and capitalists alike as the motor of the new economy. Steve Wright recovers Marx's theory of value from critics such as Antonio Negri to ask whether it is as 'immeasurably' productive as is claimed?

A priest once came across a Zen master and, seeking
to embarrass him, challenged him as follows: ‘Using neither sound nor silence, can you show me what is reality?’
The Zen master punched him in the face.(1)

Continued assertions that, today, we live in a knowledge economy or society raise many questions for reflection. In the next few pages, I want to discuss some aspects of these assertions, especially as they relate to the notion of immaterial labour. This term has developed within the camp of thought that is commonly labelled ‘postworkerist’, of which the best known exponent is undoubtedly Antonio Negri. While its roots lie in that branch of postwar Italian Marxism known as operaismo (workerism), this milieu has rethought and reworked many of the precepts developed during the Italian New Left’s heyday of 1968-78. If anything, it was the very defeat of the social subjects with which operaismo had identified – first and foremost, the so-called ‘mass worker’ engaged in the production of consumer durables through repetitive, ‘semi-skilled labour’ – that led Negri and others to insist that we are embarked upon a new age beyond modernity.(2)

In the wake of the U.S. media’s typical barrage of lies and obfuscations regarding the November wave of riots in France, we thought your readers would be interested in this illuminating declaration which we just received from the Paris Group of the Surrealist Movement. For the Chicago Surrealist Group, Franklin Rosemont

"Warning Lights"

A Surrealist Statement on the Recent Riots in France

Paris Group of the Surrealist Movement

For three weeks, in the ghettos of the poor suburbs, euphemistically named “sensitive neighborhoods,” on the outskirts of the outskirts, thousands of cars were burned, public utilities devastated, troops of police deliberately attacked.


There is nothing new about what sparked these incidents: the absurd death of two adolescents seized by panic, in the course of “normal police behavior.” Comparable police blunders also occurred in the past, and nearly always lootings and burnings were the inevitable response. But such incidents were localized.


Nor is there is anything new in the methods employed or the visible targets: For many years now, notably in Alsace, cars are burned on New Year's Eve or at the time of more obscure commemorations. And for a long time schools have been vandalized by schoolboys expelled from school; buses or police cars stoned; passengers methodically robbed in public transport.


What is new today is the immediate extension of this violence, its rapid spread to the provinces, well beyond the borders of a spontaneous and unpremeditated movement.

Five Theses on Informational–Cognitive Capitalism

George N. Dafermos

1

Recession is here, everywhere. Whether recession is artificial and thus compatible
with the axiomatic of capitalism (that is, the tendency toward a world market), or
forced and thus a threat to capitalism is still debated.

From the perspective of
Capital, what is more important is that the historic magnification, which has been
defining capitalism since the 15th century, is not likely to maintain its pace or
character. There are no more barbarians to civilise, no more virgin lands to
conquer and colonise. The new barbarians are refined, the new virgin lands are not
defined by geographical parameters. Primitive accummulation has been completed;
explosion now gives way to implosion.

ephemera Volume 5:4 Inscribing Organized Resistance

Stephen Dunne, Eleni Karamali, and Stevphen Shukaitis

Thoughts, antagonisms, innovations, demonstrations, elaborations, expectations and refutations. This is all to say, field-notes, from an array of politically engaged, non-objectifying theoretical work projects. Behold, the current issue of ephemera! Foolish is s/he who would seek to encapsulate a supposedly complete or somehow representative spectrum of such concerns within this, or indeed any format. Foolish also are those who would hope to find herein a necessary ‘image of thought’ (Deleuze 1995). It is its conditions of impossibility that emphasize the necessity of a worthy task. A task guided by a certain futility then. Yet it is precisely continuation and openness that constitutes the materially valuable. "[T]he hypothesis understood as provocation (knowledge)" (Tronti-Panzieri 1962), not understood through itself, but as a relation to an other which destabilizes and recomposes and a self which is dispersed and paradoxically reformed. To formulate without hoping to formalize, to formulate the to-be-de-formed. Our task, attempted here through this medium.

The concern(s) at hand are the ways in which social research (re-) creates the distance between the researcher (as subject) and researched (as object), in so doing silencing the voices, needs, concerns, knowledges, and practices of the researched. Critical scholarship, by creating fixed and stable positions, becomes complicit within the very practices it seeks to avoid. To point this out is not to say that any critical scholarly endeavor is not worthwhile, destined to failure from the outset. It is to point out that ‘critical’ endeavors must take the paradox of their existence seriously if the claim towards criticality is not to be sneered at.

::Table of Contents::

Editorial / Introduction by the Issue Editors

::Articles::

Event Horizon – The Free Association

Treasonous Minds: Capital & Universities, the ideology of the intellectual and the desire for mutiny – Dave Eden, Australian National University

Introduction to Colectivo Situaciones – Nate Holdren and Sebastian Touza

Further Comments on Research Militancy. Footnotes on Procedures and (In)decisions – Colectivo Situaciones, Argentina

Grassrooting the Imaginary: Acting Within the Convergence - Paul Routledge, University of Glasglow

Sewing Stories, Knitting Knowledge and Acting Activism: Women’s Leadership, Learning and Critical Investigation Through Drama and Craft - Darlene Clover, University of Victoria

::Notes from the General Intellect::

Beyond Solidarity and Academic Freedom: A Conversation Between Luther Blissett and Karen Eliot

::Reviews::

Nietzsche in the Streets - Ruud Kaulingfreks, University of Humanistics

Gift, She Said - Valerie Fournier, University of Leicester

--

See details of how to be regularly informed about new ephemera issues here.

nolympics writes:

"What Is Communism?
Paul Bowman

What is communism? Well according to the Concise Oxford Dictionary, communism is


        "1 a political theory derived from Marx, advocating class war and leading to a society in which all property is publicly owned and each person is paid and works according to his or her needs and abilities. 2 (usu. Communism) a the communistic form of society established in the USSR and elsewhere."

If that was correct then this would be a very short article. However, as so often, the Concise Oxford is wrong again. In fact the terms socialism and communism appear in England around the 1820s as terms adopted by members of the cooperative movement who were sick of hearing their politics referred to as "Owenism". Originally the two terms were undifferentiated but by the 1840s communism was used by revolutionaries to differentiate themselves from reformists such as J.S. Mill who had adopted socialism to cover an indigestible mess of reformisms.

By the 1870s the terms had moved from differentiating means to distinguishing ends. The proper Oxford English Dictionary notes in its sources:


        "Forster Diary 11 May in T. W. Reid Life (1888).... I learn that the great distinction between communism and socialism is that the latter believes in payment according to work done and the former does not".

It is this meaning of communism as opposed to socialism that evolved in the late nineteenth century that this article discusses. Of course it's not that important to get hung up on a name, for many people the Concise definition of communism being something to do with Marx and the USSR is the one they know. For us the name of the post-capitalist society we aim to help construct is a detail, what matters is the content of the ideas. Nonetheless for the purposes of this article we need to choose a name so we stick with the historical one.

"Continental Drift:

Questions for Jean Baudrillard"

Deborah Salomon, New York Times Magazine

Q: As one of France's most celebrated philosophers, can you give us any insight into the civil discontent that is pitting a generation of young people against the rest of the country?


It will get worse and worse and worse. For a long time, it was a relatively friendly coexistence or cohabitation, but the French haven't done much to integrate the Muslims, and there is a split now. Our organic sense of identity as a country has been split.

"The Contradiction of Trotsky"

Claude Lefort

"Let us hold out our hands to each other and rally around our Party's committees. We must not forget even for a minute that only the Party committees can worthily lead us, only they will light our way to the Promised Land."

It was in these words, with the turn of phrase now familiar to us all, that as early as 1905 Stalin addressed the Russian workers on the occasion of their first revolution. It may well have been on that very same day, Trotsky notes, that Lenin dispatched from Geneva the following appeal to the masses: 'Make way for the anger and hatred that have accumulated in your hearts throughout the centuries of exploitation, suffering and grief! (1)

Nothing could be more typical of the two men, or better bring out the contrast between them, than these two statements, one made by a revolutionary for whom the oppressed masses are the essential force of history, the other made by a party militant, already a 'bureaucrat', for whom the party apparatus alone knows what the future is to be and is capable of bringing it about. For us who are familiar with the course that events have taken since then, this psychological opposition assumes a more general significance, for it forms part of a broader opposition that is essentially historical in character.

Slavoj Zizek

"The Ignorance of Chicken:
Who Believes What Today?"

November 18, 2005

Swayduck Auditorium - New School for Social Research, 65 Fifth Avenue, NYC

4PM

New School for Social Research in conjunction with Theory Downtown

Slavoj Žižek is a Slovenian sociologist, philosopher and cultural critic. Žižek is a professor at the European Graduate School and a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. He is a visiting professor at Columbia, Princeton, New School for Social Research, New York, and the University of Michigan. Žižek is well known for his use of the works of Jacques Lacan in a new reading of popular culture. In addition to his work as an interpreter of Lacanian psychoanalysis, he writes on countless topics, such as fundamentalism, tolerance, political correctness, globalization, subjectivity, human rights, Lenin, myth, cyberspace, postmodernism, multiculturalism, David Lynch, and Alfred Hitchcock.

NOT BORED! writes:

"Guy Debord's Letters, 1957–1972"

Not Bored!

"I believe that all of the people who prefer personal letters to the [situationists'] journal lack the ability to elevate themselves to the generality of the same problems. Thus, they don't see that it is the same position, the same thing, but more utilizable by more people. Of course, if it is a question of saying, "we are all better than that" (than all writing), this is obvious. It is one of our basic themes. But an epistolary correspondence, even with a friend, even if one is understood, seems to me further away from the importance of living than the most profoundly calculated texts. It is even less satisying." — Guy Debord, letter of 2 September 1964 to Ivan Chtcheglov

Despite Guy Debord's reservations about epistolary correspondences, he engaged in a great many of them — so many, in fact, that it's going to take six full-sized volumes for Editions Fayard to publish them all. To date, four of them have come out: Volume 1, 1957–1960 (published in 1999); Volume 2, 1961–1964 (2001); Volume 3, 1965–1968 (2003); and Volume 4, 1969–1972 (2005). It isn't known what will be contained in Volume 5 (1973–1976? 1973–1994?). But it is known that Volume 6 will include the pre-1957 period, plus letters that have been received between 1999 and the conclusion of this immense work.

In her introduction to Volume 1, Alice Becker-Ho (a.k.a. Alice Debord) writes:

This global correspondence, which is rich in lessons on the personality and active role that he had during these forty years, thus take their place in the complete works of Guy Debord. It will perhaps orient differently the always growing number of biographers who are pressed to draw premature conclusions from all sorts of legends that have surrounded someone who was especially pleased to have a well-known bad reputation.

El Kilombo writes

"Dialogue with the Philosopher Toni Negri:
The Defeat of the United States is a Political Defeat”

Veronica Gago, for Argentina’s Pagina/12


Translation By: www.elkilombo.org

The Italian philosopher Toni Negri analyzes the United States’ invasion of Iraq as a “defeat.” He spoke to Pagina/12 from the recuperated Hotel Bauen, expounding an auspicious perspective for Latin America and criticizing the “traditional” European left.

The Italian philosopher and militant Toni Negri is in Argentina for a second time. He is arriving from a trip to Chile and is now headed to Brazil. After having launched a worldwide polemic with his book Empire, about the end of the age of classical imperialism, he is now convinced that we find ourselves in an anomalous period for Latin America because it has finally ceased to be “the back porch” of the United States. From the Argentine crisis in 2001 to the current crisis in Brazil, passing through the failed coup in Venezuela and the Andean revolts, Negri reads a profound continental change capable of giving way to a multilateralism that will dispute North American pretensions toward an imperialist sovereignty. In his dialogue with Pagina/12, he insists that Latin America is further along than Europe with regard to its ability to think the relation between social movements and governments through the experimentation of a democratic radicalism.

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