You are here
Announcements
Recent blog posts
- Male Sex Trade Worker
- Communities resisting UK company's open pit coal mine
- THE ANARCHIC PLANET
- The Future Is Anarchy
- The Implosion Of Capitalism And The Nation-State
- Anarchy as the true reality
- Globalization of Anarchism (Anti-Capital)
- Making Music as Social Action: The Non-Profit Paradigm
- May the year 2007 be the beginning of the end of capitalism?
- The Future is Ours Anarchic
A Short History of the Ontario Campaign Against Poverty
February 12, 2002 - 8:43pm -- nomadlab
hydrarchist writes "
Amidst all the hype and shadow-boxing around the WEF meeting in New York next weekend, simple questions relating to the purpose and effectiveness of collective action are being ignored. Much recent activity takes place in a deracinated context which while tragetting the lofty and distant centers of power, remains disconnected from local space and the everyday life. For this reason, I though that the following history of the OCAP might serve as interesting document to read as a positive counter-example to such trajectories.
A Short History of OCAP
OCAP has its roots in a struggle around welfare reform in the late 1980s. At
that time, the Liberal Government of David Peterson was under considerable
pressure to introduce some improvements to the Province's welfare system. As a
stalling tactic, it set up a review committee that held extensive public
hearings and, finally, recommended a number of measures that included an
increase in welfare rates (depending on the category of recipient) of between
10% and 20%. During this period the London and Toronto unions of unemployed
workers had been campaigning for a 25% increase in the rates. After the release
of the review committee's report, a broader formation came together and decided
to press for the Government to implement the proposals of its own committee. A
three pronged march from Windsor, Sudbury and Ottawa was organized on the
Ontario Legislature to fight for this.
The 1989 March Against Poverty to Queen's Park was a huge success. It forced
a number of changes out of the Liberals, including a rate increase of roughly
9%. Many of those organizations that had co-operated in the March drew the
conclusion that a long term coalition against poverty was now possible and began
to work to bring this together. While OCAP was in the process of being formed, a
Provincial election took place. Even though we as yet only functioned with a
rough steering committee structure, we decided to challenge the fiction that the
Liberals had been a 'caring' regime and to expose the growing poverty crisis in
Ontario by targeting the Government's re-election bid. We followed Peterson all
over the Province, confronting his campaign appearances on over thirty
occasions. More than once, his meetings were brought to a halt by OCAP
protesters and our slogan "Down with the Poverty Premier!' became a major factor
in his defeat.
In the autumn of 1990, the founding conference of OCAP took place. After some
debate, it set a course for the organization that committed it to mobilizing
poor and homeless people to fight back through militant, direct action and
rejected notions of basing the organization on methods of consultation and
compromise with those in power. The emergence of OCAP coincided with the
election of an NDP Government. This posed major difficulties for us in that the
climate became tough for an organization that wanted to take a strong stand. The
backsliding of the Rae Government away from its promises to raise welfare rates
above the poverty line and 'end the need for food banks' created a lot of
confusion and demoralization. For quite some time, people were unclear on how to
confront a Government that they had expected and hoped would offer them more
than the Liberals and Tories. Resources to carry on our work were very hard to
come by and our base of activity was largely confined to Toronto. We held
demonstrations at NDP gatherings and gradually, as Rae's measures grew ever more
right wing, found a stronger level of support for resisting the Government. We
worked with the Street Peoples' Organization to put up a tent city of the
homeless at Queen's Park. We hounded Government Ministers and challenged the
freeze they imposed on welfare rates. We played a major role in convincing them
not to actually cut welfare rates. We pressed forward as best we could but it
was a tough period to work in.
It was during the Rae years that OCAP first took up in a serious fashion the
Direct Action Casework that has played such an important role in its
development. We began bringing mass delegations into welfare offices and taking
similar actions. People began to turn to us as an organization that could make a
difference in their lives and act to defend families under attack. Since that
time, this method of resistance has grown to include mobilizing to stop
deportations, to prevent evictions, to compel employers to pay wages they owe
and to stand up against the violence of cops and security companies. Also,
during this period, OCAP played a major role in challenging the offensive of the
Federal Tory regime with a tent city outside the PC Convention in Toronto that
became known across the Country as 'Mulroneyville'. We continued to confront the
Federal Government after the Liberals took power in 1993 and have resisted their
attacks on poor and homeless people. This struggle included two mass delegations
of the homeless to Parliament Hill that were a major factor in prying hundreds
of millions in funding for emergency shelter spaces out of the Liberals.
It is with the election of the Harris Government in Ontario in 1995, however,
that the struggles of OCAP took on the sharp character that we have come to see
as defining our work. This more recent history being better known, we can
confine this account to detailing its main features. We can see four main phases
in the struggle against the Tories. At first, immediately after the election of
Harris, OCAP pressed for action to be taken by the broad movement. We held a
major rally at Queen's Park and a march from Regent Park (Ontario Housing
project) to the home of the Lieutenant-Governor in the ultra rich community of
Rosedale. Our readiness to move forward after Harris's election did much to
convince others to take up the fight and helped to create the momentum that led
to the 'Ontario Days of Action'.
Beginning in late '95, the Ontario Federation of Labour began a series of
city wide strikes and protests that were called Days of Action. They had huge
potential power but were never used as a weapon to challenge the ability of the
Tories to govern and were never escalated to the level of sustained province
wide action. OCAP participated in all of them, carried out serious picket line
actions and agitated strongly for the struggle to be taken to a new level.
Sadly, however, this round of generalized resistance to Harris was wound down
and abandoned and the late 90s was a period when the Tories could carry on their
attacks with only localized opposition to confront them. In this very grim
period, when regressive measures came out of Queen's Park at dizzying speed,
OCAP turned its attention to fighting to hamper the implementation of a
political agenda it could not prevent from being formed. We greatly increased
the amount of Direct Action Casework we did. We picketed agencies and employers
who were introducing workfare and made the program harder for them to put into
effect. We took over empty buildings to win shelter for the homeless. We took to
the streets to fight the social cleansing of poor and homeless people. We stood
against attacks on squeegeers and panhandlers. We resisted the closing of
rooming house stock in poor neighbourhoods. We were a thorn in the flesh of
reactionary 'residents' associations that worked to redevelop the urban
landscape in a way that served the interests of developers and yuppie
colonists.
As vital as the work we did in this period was, we realized that the
reactivation of a movement of generalized resistance was the only way to move
from rearguard action to a real challenge to the Tories. On June 15, 2000, we
held a March of homeless people and supporters on the Legislature that demanded
that the Government receive a delegation and deal with its grievances. When they
responded by moving to clear the grounds with riot squads and mounted cops, a
battle broke out that the media dubbed the 'Queen's Park Riot'. The action was
as much a call to people in Ontario to 'fight to win' as it was a challenge to
the Government. The huge outpouring of support that followed the action,
convinced OCAP to call for a Province wide campaign of economic disruption
against the Tories and led to the formation of the Ontario Common Front to lead
this struggle. This is written days after the October 16 snake march through
Toronto's financial district and as communities across the Province, First
Nations people and students move into action. There is no question that the
period of passivity and retreat is over and that the time ahead of us will be
dominated by a growing movement of resistance.
In its eleven year history OCAP has shown that a poor peoples' movement can
shake those in power and contribute to the building of decisive social struggle.
As a militant, anti capitalist organization, we reject the notion that we have
any common set of interests with those who hold economic and political power. We
also reject the rituals of token protest that confine movements to the level of
futile moral arguments. We fight to win and are part of a growing force in
society that is ready to organize on just that basis.
"
hydrarchist writes "
Amidst all the hype and shadow-boxing around the WEF meeting in New York next weekend, simple questions relating to the purpose and effectiveness of collective action are being ignored. Much recent activity takes place in a deracinated context which while tragetting the lofty and distant centers of power, remains disconnected from local space and the everyday life. For this reason, I though that the following history of the OCAP might serve as interesting document to read as a positive counter-example to such trajectories.
A Short History of OCAP
OCAP has its roots in a struggle around welfare reform in the late 1980s. At
that time, the Liberal Government of David Peterson was under considerable
pressure to introduce some improvements to the Province's welfare system. As a
stalling tactic, it set up a review committee that held extensive public
hearings and, finally, recommended a number of measures that included an
increase in welfare rates (depending on the category of recipient) of between
10% and 20%. During this period the London and Toronto unions of unemployed
workers had been campaigning for a 25% increase in the rates. After the release
of the review committee's report, a broader formation came together and decided
to press for the Government to implement the proposals of its own committee. A
three pronged march from Windsor, Sudbury and Ottawa was organized on the
Ontario Legislature to fight for this.
The 1989 March Against Poverty to Queen's Park was a huge success. It forced
a number of changes out of the Liberals, including a rate increase of roughly
9%. Many of those organizations that had co-operated in the March drew the
conclusion that a long term coalition against poverty was now possible and began
to work to bring this together. While OCAP was in the process of being formed, a
Provincial election took place. Even though we as yet only functioned with a
rough steering committee structure, we decided to challenge the fiction that the
Liberals had been a 'caring' regime and to expose the growing poverty crisis in
Ontario by targeting the Government's re-election bid. We followed Peterson all
over the Province, confronting his campaign appearances on over thirty
occasions. More than once, his meetings were brought to a halt by OCAP
protesters and our slogan "Down with the Poverty Premier!' became a major factor
in his defeat.
In the autumn of 1990, the founding conference of OCAP took place. After some
debate, it set a course for the organization that committed it to mobilizing
poor and homeless people to fight back through militant, direct action and
rejected notions of basing the organization on methods of consultation and
compromise with those in power. The emergence of OCAP coincided with the
election of an NDP Government. This posed major difficulties for us in that the
climate became tough for an organization that wanted to take a strong stand. The
backsliding of the Rae Government away from its promises to raise welfare rates
above the poverty line and 'end the need for food banks' created a lot of
confusion and demoralization. For quite some time, people were unclear on how to
confront a Government that they had expected and hoped would offer them more
than the Liberals and Tories. Resources to carry on our work were very hard to
come by and our base of activity was largely confined to Toronto. We held
demonstrations at NDP gatherings and gradually, as Rae's measures grew ever more
right wing, found a stronger level of support for resisting the Government. We
worked with the Street Peoples' Organization to put up a tent city of the
homeless at Queen's Park. We hounded Government Ministers and challenged the
freeze they imposed on welfare rates. We played a major role in convincing them
not to actually cut welfare rates. We pressed forward as best we could but it
was a tough period to work in.
It was during the Rae years that OCAP first took up in a serious fashion the
Direct Action Casework that has played such an important role in its
development. We began bringing mass delegations into welfare offices and taking
similar actions. People began to turn to us as an organization that could make a
difference in their lives and act to defend families under attack. Since that
time, this method of resistance has grown to include mobilizing to stop
deportations, to prevent evictions, to compel employers to pay wages they owe
and to stand up against the violence of cops and security companies. Also,
during this period, OCAP played a major role in challenging the offensive of the
Federal Tory regime with a tent city outside the PC Convention in Toronto that
became known across the Country as 'Mulroneyville'. We continued to confront the
Federal Government after the Liberals took power in 1993 and have resisted their
attacks on poor and homeless people. This struggle included two mass delegations
of the homeless to Parliament Hill that were a major factor in prying hundreds
of millions in funding for emergency shelter spaces out of the Liberals.
It is with the election of the Harris Government in Ontario in 1995, however,
that the struggles of OCAP took on the sharp character that we have come to see
as defining our work. This more recent history being better known, we can
confine this account to detailing its main features. We can see four main phases
in the struggle against the Tories. At first, immediately after the election of
Harris, OCAP pressed for action to be taken by the broad movement. We held a
major rally at Queen's Park and a march from Regent Park (Ontario Housing
project) to the home of the Lieutenant-Governor in the ultra rich community of
Rosedale. Our readiness to move forward after Harris's election did much to
convince others to take up the fight and helped to create the momentum that led
to the 'Ontario Days of Action'.
Beginning in late '95, the Ontario Federation of Labour began a series of
city wide strikes and protests that were called Days of Action. They had huge
potential power but were never used as a weapon to challenge the ability of the
Tories to govern and were never escalated to the level of sustained province
wide action. OCAP participated in all of them, carried out serious picket line
actions and agitated strongly for the struggle to be taken to a new level.
Sadly, however, this round of generalized resistance to Harris was wound down
and abandoned and the late 90s was a period when the Tories could carry on their
attacks with only localized opposition to confront them. In this very grim
period, when regressive measures came out of Queen's Park at dizzying speed,
OCAP turned its attention to fighting to hamper the implementation of a
political agenda it could not prevent from being formed. We greatly increased
the amount of Direct Action Casework we did. We picketed agencies and employers
who were introducing workfare and made the program harder for them to put into
effect. We took over empty buildings to win shelter for the homeless. We took to
the streets to fight the social cleansing of poor and homeless people. We stood
against attacks on squeegeers and panhandlers. We resisted the closing of
rooming house stock in poor neighbourhoods. We were a thorn in the flesh of
reactionary 'residents' associations that worked to redevelop the urban
landscape in a way that served the interests of developers and yuppie
colonists.
As vital as the work we did in this period was, we realized that the
reactivation of a movement of generalized resistance was the only way to move
from rearguard action to a real challenge to the Tories. On June 15, 2000, we
held a March of homeless people and supporters on the Legislature that demanded
that the Government receive a delegation and deal with its grievances. When they
responded by moving to clear the grounds with riot squads and mounted cops, a
battle broke out that the media dubbed the 'Queen's Park Riot'. The action was
as much a call to people in Ontario to 'fight to win' as it was a challenge to
the Government. The huge outpouring of support that followed the action,
convinced OCAP to call for a Province wide campaign of economic disruption
against the Tories and led to the formation of the Ontario Common Front to lead
this struggle. This is written days after the October 16 snake march through
Toronto's financial district and as communities across the Province, First
Nations people and students move into action. There is no question that the
period of passivity and retreat is over and that the time ahead of us will be
dominated by a growing movement of resistance.
In its eleven year history OCAP has shown that a poor peoples' movement can
shake those in power and contribute to the building of decisive social struggle.
As a militant, anti capitalist organization, we reject the notion that we have
any common set of interests with those who hold economic and political power. We
also reject the rituals of token protest that confine movements to the level of
futile moral arguments. We fight to win and are part of a growing force in
society that is ready to organize on just that basis.