hydrarchist writes:

This is Part II of "The Perverse Perseverance of Sovereignty" by Anthony Burke. You can find the first part here.

40. Yet we can reasonably ask whether this subject is so ripe for fruition, or whether the continued operation of modern technologies of sovereignty and identity might not be in danger of crippling its emergence; likewise we can ask whether in order to liberate the multitude we need to continue to critique and fight modern sovereignty, to fight its hold on subjectivity, its violence, and its complex enabling relationship with global capital. Only then can we begin to grapple with the irony William Connolly identifies: 'the more global capital becomes, the more aggressive the state is with respect to citizen allegiances and actions'. (1995: 135) In short, the teleological metaphor is the wrong one. We need instead to think in terms of a strategic coexistence of imperial and modern ontology whose objectives are somatic and spatial: the control and production of bodies, land and space as a necessary (but not always umbilical) adjunct to the flow and exploitation of capital.

Tactical Sovereignty: Post-Soeharto Indonesia

41. Contemporary Indonesia certainly provides one of the most stark examples of the work of Empire, but it is also an example of the perseverance of sovereignty. Pressed to open its capital markets during the 1990s, and long influenced by the liberal development advice of the World Bank (which chaired the aid consortium the Consultative Group on Indonesia), tens of billions of short-term capital flooded in during the 1990s, much of which was channelled into property and sharemarket speculation and the corrupt business practices of the Soeharto family and other cronies. Such capital account liberalisation, with its complex interrelationship with currency speculation, corruption and political crisis, was a major factor in the terrible crash of 1997-8. (Robison et. al. 2000; Bello et. al. 2000)

42. In the wake of this "Asian" crisis, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has grossly infringed the sovereignty of the Indonesian state with detailed programs which amount to indirect control of its entire economic policy. We could be forgiven, in the face of this, for thinking sovereignty was passing. Yet the IMF simultaneously demands and utilises that same sovereignty as it forces the Indonesian state to bail out insolvent private banks - assuming their bad loans, often worthless piles of assets and crippling responsibilities of debt service. Such debts - incurred through IMF 'bailout' packages and the issue of bonds to insolvent banks - now reach US$154 billion, and require 51 per cent of the national budget in servicing amid forced reductions in subsidies and spending on health and education. (Winters 2000; Robison and Rosser 2000; Higgott 2000; Burke 2001b) The bailout also helped Indonesia's corrupt elite by socialising their burden of debt, and quarantining assets in the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Authority (IBRA) which has since been the subject of an unseemly struggle to prevent assets being sold in the hope that they can be shifted – minus the debt they originally secured – back to their former owners. (Caragata 2001) Needless to say, this has caused enormous hardship and misery, and further disenfranchised an already marginalised population.

43. We may wonder whether sovereignty in such contexts is less a secure ontological container, or a stable site of political agency and authority, than a 'strategic handhold' for power - abrogated here, incited there, deployed, evaded and reinvented within a struggle over who can seize and shape its myriad administrative, economic, cultural, spatial and political potentials. Here is a symptom of the loss of economic autonomy and authority that was assumed to attach to sovereignty, but also of its continuity as an enabling juridical structure for both domestic and transnational capital; sovereignty as a site of tactical contest not only between classes and social groups, but between corporations and sectors of capital.

44. The imperial 'sovereignty' exercised by the IMF on behalf of western banks and investors depends on the modern sovereignty of states, which continues to perform a significant channelling, policing and legalising function both of capital and labour. This has been recognised by scholars of International Political Economy, who emphasise the enabling role of the state in the creation of that most profound symptom of "Empire", the liberalisation of global finance. Susan Strange argues that 'markets exist under the authority and permission of the state', while Jeffrey Frieden tellingly reminds us that 'political consent made the global financial integration of the past thirty years possible'. (see Beeson and Robison 2000: 17; Helleiner 1994: 2; George 2000)

45. Indonesia is also an example of a central paradox of the contemporary crisis of sovereignty: the way in which the (often wilful) loss of economic autonomy is matched by an insistence on repressive, territorial images of national integrity, security and identity. As Connolly argues, 'while political movements, economic transactions, environmental dangers, security risks, cultural communications, tourist travel, and disease transmission increasingly acquire global dimensions, the state retains a tight grip over public definitions of danger, security, collective identification and democratic accountability'. (1995: 135)

46. Even through its 'democratic' transition, Indonesia still plays out a politics of security directed against a variety of threatening Others who in the past have taken myriad forms: the Chinese victims of the 1998 riots, the 'ungrateful' Catholics of East Timor, the Christians of Maluku, the West Papuans or the Acehnese. While there have been, admittedly, laudable efforts to promote greater autonomy for some regions, the harsh "security approach" of the Indonesian military (TNI) still perseveres. The TNI's sponsorship of militia violence in East Timor led to massive destruction and international intervention; nearly a thousand civilians have died in Aceh since 1999, and the military has even been implicated in the religious violence in Maluku. (Burke 2001b; ICG 2000: 18)

47. This ironic situation was starkly demonstrated by two events in late 2001: within two weeks the Indonesian parliament passed a new autonomy law for West Papua and the indigenous leader Theys Eluay was killed by the Indonesian special forces command, Kopassus. In August 2002, repeating the political double-take of the year before, the Indonesian military issued an ultimatum for the Acehnese resistance movement to accept an autonomy package and abandon independence or risk "firmer" military action. Their deadline? December 7, anniversary of the invasion of East Timor. (Greenlees 2002; Sukma 2002)

48. Indonesia, the state that haemorrhages its sovereignty to the global market simultaneously asserts its 'national integrity' with increasing harshness. As it does so it performs, more and more abjectly, its failure to imagine a different form of politics, a different form of coexistence, a different model of identity than that which must always 'appropriate and grasp the otherness of the unknown'. As Levinas asks: 'My being-in-the-world or my 'place in the sun'…have these not also been the usurpation of spaces belonging to the other man who I have already oppressed or starved…are they not acts of repulsing, excluding, exiling, stripping, killing?' (Levinas in Hand 1999: 76, 82) This, for me, raises an issue of political priority. What is more dangerous, the fluid grasp of capital or the violent ontology of modernity? Could they not form common and intertwined dangers?

Neoliberal Sovereignty: Security and the Refugee

49. The coercive reassertion of sovereignty amid its imperial corrosion is not confined to third world national security states recently emerging from dictatorship; it is visible, in not unconnected ways, in developed states as well. At the opening gasp of the twenty-first century this has most clearly emerged in the travail of the asylum seeker. Attitudes and policies towards asylum seekers have been hardening for over a decade, in Britain, continental Europe and the United States. Anxieties over the integrity of physical borders (when borders to capital have been all but removed) are increasing, and policy is moving to match such anxieties in the face of a long-standing body of international law and new regional institutions like the European Convention on Human Rights. (Mann 2001)

50. This has been most pronounced in Australia, where a neo-liberal government has been championing economic globalisation while instituting ever more repressive policies of mandatory detention, restrictions to legal process, and military operations to repel boats. Australia's policy became world news in August 2001 with the crisis over the Norwegian ship the Tampa, which CNN compared with the Voyage of the Damned; however controversy over beatings, protests, self-mutilation, suicide and psychological trauma in many detention centres had been developing for some time. (Mares, 2001; Docker, 2002; Perera 2002; Burke 2001c) At the general election in November 2001 the Howard government also drew on historical and racial anxieties about fears of invasion and Anglo-Celtic cultural integrity to retain office. Its policies drew on and developed those previously deployed by the United States against Cuban and Haitian refugees. Flows of asylum seekers became militarised and securitised, 'transformed into a threat not only to the state but to the security and identity of the host society' (Burke 2001a; Ceyhan and Tsoukala 2002; Bigo 2002).

51. The demonisation of the Other, the Stranger, and their incarceration and punishment for simply being non-citizens, is part of the general apparatus of governmentality and biopower intrinsic to modern sovereignty; but one deployed now as a way of managing resentful publics and controlling global flows. If, as McKenzie Wark argues, 'migration is globalisation from below', its repressive securitisation aims to preserve the privileges of globalisation from above. (Dillon 1999; Wark in Burke 2001a: xviii)

52. The repressive reassertion of sovereignty against the refugee is utterly bound up with the dissolution of sovereignty in neo-liberal economic restructuring, and its insistence on permanent mass unemployment; a perfect way for neo-liberal governments to evade responsibility for the palpable hardship and insecurity experienced by the losers of globalisation. This is a wilful displacement of the 'permanent and irreducible' postmodern uncertainty analysed by Zygmunt Bauman, for which neo-liberalism bears so much responsibility: the troubled context for John Howard's promises to provide Australians with a sense of security and 'home', a repressive and futile panacea for the globalisation-induced upheaval he deems so necessary. (Bauman 1997: 21-5; Allon 1997; Burke 2001a: 181-197)

53. This, to me, contradicts Hardt and Negri's insistence that 'the transcendence of modern sovereignty…conflicts with the immanence of capital', and questions their traditionally Marxian insistence on capitalist power as the major focus for resistance and political action. (Their insistence on the primacy of the 'terrain of production' and the development of 'posthuman' forms of labour power is a kind of postmodern echo of the statement in the Communist Manifesto that 'the history of all society up to now is the history of class struggles'). (Hardt and Negri 2000: 327, 217; Marx and Engels 1996: 1) Rather I would insist on the historical interrelationship of modernity, bio-power, sovereignty and capital, as Foucault suggested more than once; on their interrelationship as problems, and on modernity's important status as a unique focus for critical politics. Modernity not as a "time" but as a political formation which brings not just the repression and alienation of labour but detention centres, prisons, death camps, ethnic cleansing, counterinsurgency, nuclear weapons and killing at a distance. (Foucault 1978: 141, 1991: 218-221; on modernity see Bauman 1991, 1989)

54. I write here from a 'disciplinary' situatedness. For the critical international theorist, sovereignty as a political problem occurs not merely through its abrogation or its passage towards Empire, but through the persistence of its central normative status in international relations. This is not merely nostalgia - in strategy and statecraft sovereignty remains associated with inherently violent images of security and identity that draw constant sustenance from the poisonous soil of modern ontology. Such facts underlie Jim George's appeal 'for serious critical reflection upon the fundamental philosophical premises of western modernity' (1994: 9). Just as Neoliberal states collude in the construction of Empire, they continue to insist on the ontological primacy of the state and its monopoly on the legitimate use of force, a 'monopoly' which variously imprisons and expels refugees, incarcerates African-Americans, dispossesses indigenous people and runs 'counterinsurgency' operations against that most sinister threat to the nation - the movement for secession. A malign contemporary force to Hobbes' founding conditions for the survival of the State: 'Concord, Health; Sedition, Sickness; and Civill war, Death'. (Hobbes 1985: 81; see also Campbell 1998, Campbell and Shapiro 1999)

55. In such a context, Security ironically rests on the necessity of the insecurity and suffering of the Other. Warfare, killing and conflict are often driven less by the imperatives of Capital (present though they often are) than by the logic of an ontology which refuses to coexist with otherness and seeks an absolute solution to the threat of its existence. This is as true of the Howard Government's "deterrence" of asylum seekers through detention and military expulsion, as it is of the more openly violent strategy of the Israeli state when faced with Palestinian opposition and terrorism.

56. Such images of security weld together ontological necessity, positivist epistemology, 'realist' morality and an instrumental image of technology in the hope of realising the modern dream of the absolute 'correlation between knowledge and being'. (Levinas in Hand 1991: 76-78) This time has not passed, it is not in twilight; it enables and coexists with Empire, thwarts its temporal pull, and generates its own political urgency that is both a part of and additional to the necessary work against capital's global sovereignty.

War of Sovereignty: Israel and Palestine

57. A final example - modern Israel - which is testament to the non-passage of sovereignty. In particular, the drawn out death-struggle between Israel and Palestine has been marked by the perseverance of sovereignty's ontology in the fusion of violence, religious and territorial identity, and the national security state. Since the election of the hard-line Ariel Sharon (shadowed by the even harder-line Likud pretender Benjamin Netanyahu) the conflict's worst features have been reignited, with suicide bombings, assassinations, and ferocious Israeli Defence Force (IDF) operations aimed at disabling the Palestinian authority itself. These culminated in April 2002 with "Operation Defensive Shield", the invasion of Palestinian sovereign areas by the IDF which saw the shelling of towns and refugee camps, mass arrests, torture, summary executions of Palestinian 'militants', shootings and the destruction of houses. In Nablus, Jenin and Ramallah this caused hundreds of deaths, with little impact on the ability of suicide bombers to shatter innocent Israeli lives. (Goldenberg 2002a, 2002b, 2002c; Beaumont 2002a, 2002b; Sayigh 2001)

58. The needs of imperial capital have little purchase in this conflict, bar a remote and confused link with US geo-strategy. This is a struggle over identity, sovereignty and territory: one carried out not only between Arab and Jew but between Jews themselves, between conflicting images of Zionism and Israeli identity. Twisting through the events of this conflict are ongoing questions: How do Jews and Arabs fit into Israeli citizenship and identity? What is a "Jew"? What are the borders of Israel, and can Israel's existence accommodate the existence of a Palestinian state or indeed Palestinians themselves? (Ben-Porat 2000; Nasser-Eddine 1996)

59. In short, at the heart of this conflict lies a profound anxiety about the existential security, integrity and unity of Israel, and we may fear that in the wake of the violence right-wing constructions of Israeli identity are becoming more powerful. As a major conference on Israeli security in 2000, attended by a wide range of powerbrokers on the centre and right, set out: 'Israel must confront directly developments that manifest existential dangers. Failure in this confrontation or an attempt to avert it are liable to lead to the demise of the Zionist enterprise'. The Herzliya Conference manifested acute anxiety about Arab birth-rates and advocated the containment of such 'geo-demographic' threats through increased Jewish emigration to Israel and a settlement of the Palestinian conflict that will 'preserve' a 'Jewish majority' i.e. little or no 'right of return' for dispossessed Palestinians, the annexation of Jewish settlements beyond the 'green line', and 'the encouragement of Jewish settlement in demographically problematic regions' such as the Galilee, the Jezreel Valley and the Negev 'to prevent a contiguous Arab majority that would bisect Israel'. (Herzliya 2001)

60. The most viable political resolution to the conflict – the "two state solution" – still resides in modern sovereignty, but we face a fundamental question of how rigid and ontologically intransigent such a solution might be. How can it accommodate difference, provide some measure of justice, and promote coexistence? (Pundak 2001; Said 2000) The ideal is that Palestinian territory might be released from the ontological grasp of the dream of a Greater Israel, but the Herzliya conference also suggested deep division within Israel as to whether a Palestinian state should be permitted or, if it was to be established, sought ways to permanently annex some Palestinian territory to secure Israel against the 'demographic threat'. (Herzliya 2001) The Palestinians are most unlikely accept such a settlement, while in May 2002 the Likud voted never to accept a Palestinian state of any kind, and thus the violence is set to continue. Peace could be a pyrrhic accommodation: while the irredentist desire for Greater Israel may one day be defeated at the negotiating table, we can worry that the exclusivist ontological image of the Zionist state will persevere, (in)secure behind its 'iron wall', while the Palestinian nation is born into a cauldron of hatred and injustice. (Erlanger 2002; Shlaim 2000)

Crossing Sovereignty: An Ethics for the Multitude

61. All of these examples – 9/11, the Indonesian crisis, the securitisation of refugees and the Israeli-Palestinian war – raise not only a diagnosis of the interrelationship of sovereignty and capital, but questions about how sovereignty's political and subjectifying power can be dissolved and moderated to counter both its own violence and its enabling relationship with imperial exploitation. This is where Hardt and Negri's notion of the "multitude" could be usefully thought together with postmodern ethics.

62. In many ways their vision of the multitude – a vast cooperative movement of humanity that is 'separated from every residue of sovereign power, every "long arm" of Empire', an 'uncontainable force and an excess of value with respect to every form of right and law' – is the political intimation of a desire rather than a reality, albeit one whose possibilities are visible in many sites and struggles. Yet they may have spoken too soon when they hope that this non-territorial, transnational human colossus already possesses the means to create a truly global structure of resistance to Empire (2000: 398-99).

63. They do admit that Empire utilises repressive mechanisms in an attempt to control flows of labour and migration, and forms of allegiance and sympathy. However they play down the malign force of these operations with a weak hope: 'attempts at repressing the multitude are really paradoxical, inverted manifestations of its strength'. (2000: 399) My fear is that the very possibility of the multitude is thwarted by the politics of sovereignty, identity and segregation which, in so many sites and conflicts, breaks and scatters it into a chaotic and hate-filled dispersion. This politics divides the exploited from each other, fosters instability which the state can order and control, and helps to police both worker and middle-class subjectivities to sustain the dynamic structure of consent through which neo-liberal patterns of governance (at both the national and international levels) are maintained and secured.

64. If a 'new cartography' of the multitude, based on 'global citizenship', is to effectively come into being, it has to challenge the ontological force of existing politics of identity, incarceration, sovereignty and violence wherever they emerge. This is where postmodern ethics, derived from the deconstructive tradition of Heidegger, Derrida and Levinas, must be one element of the solution. The plight of refugees, the violence in Palestine, ethnic cleansing, terror and counterterror, the desire to punish and divide – none of these situations can be resolved without a deep transformation of the ways we think about, narrate and deploy identity. All these conflicts need to rethought in terms of the call to ethics and the love of the Other.

65. Such thinkers call for a relation of reconciliation and coexistence based not on negotiations between contained, hostile identities, charged by resentment, but on what Julia Kristeva (1997) calls an acceptance of the 'strangeness within ourselves', and Levinas 'the question of my right to be which is already my responsibility for the death of the Other, interrupting the carefree spontaneity of my naïve perseverance'. (Hand 1999: 86, 294) Consider the extraordinary case of Palestinian Mazen Joulani, who in June 2001 was shot dead by a Jew in Jerusalem and whose organs were subsequently donated by his family to the Israeli transplant system. His heart now beats inside the body of a Jewish man. (Sydney Morning Herald, 2001) After such generosity, who is a Jew and who is an Arab? Levinas himself could not have scripted a more hopeful demonstration of his ethics. Ironic that this great Jewish philosopher could never properly accept Zionism's ethical obligation towards the Palestinians, never accept them as his 'other'; his thoughts have never been more necessary. (Campbell 1998: 179-80)

66. None of the cases I have discussed here exhaust this imperative. Lebanon, Chechnya, Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Rwanda, Cambodia, Tibet, the Kurds, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan – these are just a few more of the horrors modern sovereignty, through its obsession with militarism, violence, certainty and unity, has brought us. This is why ethics and deconstruction are still so important: they have given us the most profound idioms to understand, resist and transform the perverse perseverance of sovereignty.

Anthony Burke is the publisher of the borderlands ejournal, and currently works as a lecturer in politics at the University of Adelaide. He has published fiction in Meanjin (4/1995) and essays on security, ethics, Indonesia, Australia and warfare in Alternatives, Communal/Plural, Pacifica Review and Postmodern Culture. His book In Fear of Security was published by Pluto Press Australia in November 2001. Email: borderlands@pobox.com

Author's note

Earlier versions of this essay were published in the online sovereignty cluster of the conference Globalisation Live and Online, and presented to the nation/states conference, both at the University of Adelaide, Australia, in July and November 2001. My thanks to their organiser Katherine Driscoll, to Fiona Allon, Fiona Nicoll and Brett Neilson for soliciting this piece, and to its referees for helpful suggestions and advice. The section on Israel and Palestine benefited greatly from many discussions with Minerva Nasser-Eddine.

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