Radical media, politics and culture.

hydrarchist's blog

"Of course we have romance. Everyone can see how useful romance is. Even the newspapers like romance. They should; they have helped create it, it is their daily doses of world malaise that poison the heart and the mind to such a degree that a strong antidote is required to save what humanness is left in us. I am not a machine, there is only so much and no more that I can absorb of the misery of my kind, when my tears are exhaused a dullness takes their place, and out of that dullness a terrible callousness, so that I look on suffering and feel it not." Jeanette Winterson, Art and Lies.

In announcing the indictment, U.S. Attorney Kevin V. Ryan noted that theft of trade secrets and economic espionage are among the most important cases prosecuted by the Computer Hacking and Intellectual Property (CHIP) Unit in the U.S. Attorney’s Office. “Theft of trade secrets and economic espionage represent a significant threat to the Silicon Valley and the nation’s economy. We will use the resources of the federal government to protect the integrity of the economy, particularly where there are allegations of economic espionage.”

http://www.cybercrime.gov/eea.html

first Criminal Pros. under EEA http://www.cybercrime.gov/4Pillars_6thCir.htm

CCIPS Prosecutions http://www.cybercrime.gov/ipcases.htm

CCIPS Press Relases http://www.cybercrime.gov/docs.html#doca

Former Research Fellows Charged with Theft of Trade Secrets from Harvard Medical School: http://www.cybercrime.gov/zhuCharges.htm

As most famously explored in his book The Black Atlantic (about the crisscrossing cultural traffic connecting Africa, the Caribbean, America, and Britain), diasporic identity has nothing to do with chosen exile or migration; Gilroy stresses the crucial dimension added by the forced nature of the dispersal. As traumatic as the Jewish diaspora or the Middle Passage was, Gilroy values the end result: a "dual consciousness" that comes from being neither totally assimilated to the new culture nor able to preserve the old folkways. In turn, diasporic peoples unavoidably transform the cultures they pass through; they unsettle wherever they settle.

VV Review of Against Race

London Post Colonial CityThe American JihadElton's Crooning, England's DreamingThinking About Capitalism with Bell Hooks

Kazaa Kontrol Leech Killer

Kazaa Kontrol Leech Killer checks if the people who are downloading from you are sharing any files. If not, it sends them a message to tell them that to download from you, they need to share files first, and then cancels their download. Pretty cool eh? An effective way to ban leechers from getting anything from you. It has got some other cool features like mega searching and download acceleration.

You may download it for $3 from here Or you can download it for free from Kazaa. Here is the Sig2Dat link: KaZaa Kontrol Leech Killer 2.50.267 Beta.exe

www.fasttrackmovies.com www.sharemonkey.com br> MD4, MD5, SHA1, and Tigertree check altnet - VSMedia connection BUMA/STEMRA-Netherlands

"In its original meaning, economy is the aart of managing one's home.. Our home is the earth. The least that one can say is that such management leaves something to be desired. And, save the ignorant, who would be surprised at it? Haven't men always given more attention to the fantastic heavenly organisation supposed to govern them than top their own existence." (19)

R. Vaneigem, Pour une internationale du genre humain, Le Cherche Midi, 1999.

Combining his hatred of the subjection of humanity to the economy -as organising agent, as arbitrator of social relations, as form, as generator of values - and religon, Vaneigme is back in style, inveighing against everything with that sense of hope and possibiloity that he alone has consistently nurtured. The attack on the nostalgic erection of preindustrial societies as utopian prototype is especially welcome, given the proliferation of ideas derivative from the 'Zerzan School'.

Intolérable : les prisons (– Le GIP enquête dans une prison modèle : Fleury-Mérogis)

Intolérable : les prisons (– Le GIP enquête dans vingt prisons)

« Manifeste du Groupe d'information sur les prisons », 8 février 1971, in Dits et écrits de Michel Foucault, tome 2 (1970-1975), Gallimard, 1994.

Brève histoire du groupe d'information sur les prisons (GIP) 1971-1972 Danielle RANCIERE

"Fasten the shutters, now there is going to be looting!" - Alexander Blok

"It would be better that the whole world should be destroyed and perish utterly than that a `free man' should refrain from one act to which his nature moves him. . . . " Johann Hartmann

Frequently incorrectly cited as Marx, but in fact several hundred years older.

You have to love these snaps of the Livorno Terrace. They're doing well in Serie A, and may qualify for the premiership next year, so I'd have someone to root for apart from AS Roma (Cuore d'esta Citta!), whom it must be said are having a crappy season. There is also a real danger that the fascist peasants that constitute Lazio may in fact win the Scudetto this year, in which case I'm moving city, as they'll be out for weeks sieg heiling everyone, attacking immigrants etc.

Last Saturday Bologna was the location for the first national meeting of http://telestreet.it, a putative network of neighborhood television broadcasters, and refractory communications and cultural workers more generally.

Context The state monopoly of television broadcasting in Italy was brought to an end by a constitutional court decision in 1976. A private television sector developed as a result in a highly unregulated environment, allowing the emergence of Berlusconi's Finivest as the dominant player. Notionally private players were limited to operating in the local sphere - ostensibly out of a fear that otherwise private concentrations of media power would emerge - threatening the spirit of Article 21 of the constitution that aspires towards a plurality of sources of information. These companies broadcast often without authorisation or allocation of spectrum. The limitation to local activity was evaded by means of the interconnection of multiple 'local' operations. In short order, Berlusconi's Finivest took over the other two market actors. Efforts by some local prosecutors to block Berlusconi's broadcasts from 1984 were halted by the Craxi (Socialist Party) government who introduced a decree to legitimise the transmissions and authorize their continuation. Ultimately in 1990 the Mamme law was passed that permitted private parties to own up to three national networks - whitewashing Berlusconi's position.

Of course while business activity in this terrain was treated with kid gloves, the high costs of television production combined with the expense of the equipment required for broadcast effectively precluded the type of amateur and 'pirate' initiatives that proliferated in radio. In the meantime the accessibility and cost of the technology has declined precipitously so as to come within the budgets of organized collectivities and even individual consumers.

Berlusconi's stranglehold over the mass-media has been pivotal to his stranglehold over Italian political life , and this situation has been accentuated acutely over the last year, where having formed a government he quickly set to work purging the state broadcasting company, RAI, of opponents, installing yes-men and effectively extending his control over the population's audio-visual interface from 50% to about 90%. The new head of RAI, Antonio Baldasarre, addressed the post-fascist Allianza Nazionale conference during the summer promising to correct the left-wing bias (!) displayed over the years on the national network: "The old RAI represented only one culture and not others....... Often, they didn't tell real history, but told fables, offered one-sided interpretations."

Birth of Telestreet

Disturbed at Berlusconi's hegemony over the mediascape and cognizant of the affordability of rudimentary broadcast equipment, a gang of older intellectuals and spritely younger types fused to launch Italy's first local television, Orfeotv; they began broadcasting in a tiny district of Bologna, with a radius of just over a hundred meters, on the 21 june 2002.

Orfeo broadcasts using cheap equipment widely available in electronics retailers. The kit is composed of : An antenna Basic transmitter Money to pay the person who installs the antenna

The initiative is motivated by a series of factors. The first is to contest the commercial domination of the airwaves, founded on the false premise that limitations are necessary to prevent interference in other broadcasts. Telstrada suggest groups occupy channels that are not in use in their areas, which are plentiful as commercial operations typically broadcast across two frequencies so as to maximise coverage, but as they rely on some level of line of sight, wide swathes of the ether are left unoccupied.

At time of writing there are ten telestreets in operation in cities such as Florence, Padua and Trieste.

Telefabrica The economic crisis of the Fiat empire has dominated Italian politics in recent months, thousands of people are losing their jobs and the economies of whole localities destroyed. The impact of the factory closures will be especially ferocious in the South where there industry is scarce and little or no labour mobility.

In these regions the loss of the factory will not only mean the desertification of the horizon for thousands of individuals and families economically, but will strip them of some of the collective power that arises from the mass-worker factory environment, in a context where power is otherwise monopolised by corrupt political and mafia networks. One of the greatest struggles against the closures is taking place in the Sicilian town at Termini Imerese. A small group of people supportive of the struggle formed Telefabrica to broadcast coverage and interviews with the workers. From the moment that the decision was made to launch the station it took one week to actually get it running. After broadcasting for three days, the Carabinieri (a paramilitary police outfit operating under its own command structure) were sent to shut them down. For breach of the broadcasting laws they will be fined. Should they reopen they will be subject to a criminal prosecution. Given the sensitive politics of the Fiat controversy, they are considering whether they should do this, perhaps with a parliamentary figure - enjoying immunity from incarceration - as the legal principal of the association, in order to challenge the law. The fact that in the context of a huge strike the station was shut down within three days (given the bureaucratic procedure required to do this, it means that proceedings must have started immediately the began to broadcast), whereas in Bologna they can operate for six months without hindrance cannot be without significance. Telefabrica do not know how many people in fact viewed their broadcasts, but pointed out that the workers certainly distinguished how they treated them in comparison with the mainstream media. The latter were chased away during actions such as street blockades whilst telefabrica was allowed to stay and film. They broadcast uncut interviews with the strikers.Apart from the costs of 'antennista' and the broadcast equipment, they budgeted 50 euros a day for transport and tapes.

The approach of telefabrica was somewhat contested by the next presentation a group called 'Spegni la tua tv' ("Turn off your Television") from rome. They have set february 2003 as the date for the launch of their station that will be in Primavalle, a working class district in the suburbs of Rome. Primavallle was developed to rehouse people evicted from the centre city district of Borgo demolished during the Mussolini Regime, and the residents brought with them a strong social fabric with a certain anarchist character. SLTT challenged the manner in which Telefabrica's activity persisted in treating workers as subjects rather than protagonists of media, and appealed instead for a reflection on the potential tactical use of tv tools by workers themselves during workplace conflicts. In addition they hope for a network without any centralized control but rather 'islands of production'.

Candida TV described the experience of Hub TV in the autonomous Euraction Hub Space that took place parallel to the European Social Forum. The TV functioned continuously for 48 hours, emitting signals at a far greater strength than those of the Telestrada projects -10 watts -, combining their terrestrial signals with streaming on the net and use off the ascii-cam to economize on bandwidth. The importance of a 'polymedia' approach was underlined, whereby producers use every means of production and distribution possible in an integrated way to maximise the diffusion of the message and 'contaminate as many areas as possible.' As they transmitted, the Expertbase's satellite connection downloaded materials from the web off the site of New Global Vision which were then fed into the broadcast loop, whilst interviews made on the premises went out over the web, giving the data movement an omnidirectional character.

Several participants spoke about NoWar TV, an ad-hoc alliance comprised of individuals from the NGO 'Emergency', the area of Media Activism and some freelancers (in every sense, cani sciolti as we say in Italy). Using a combination of the web, satellites, terrestrial channels and radio they broadcast for ten hours nationally last week against the impending war in Iraq.

Whilst the earlier sessions had a distinctly practico-technical or agitational interventionist hue to them, the discussion returned to the social plane with the presentation of OrfeoTv. Underneath the aerial, it was stressed, lay a social space of experimentation where the editorial group was permanently open and in flux, where the divisions between professionals and amateurs were eroded. A critique of the specialization of expert knowledge is addressed there through the progressive transfer of competencies from the knowledgeable to the newly inducted. No full-time personnel work in OrfeoTv, and this is a deliberate decision taken so as to ensure that all participants have a sense of belonging and possession of the station.

Practicalities

Valerio Minnella introduced the second session dedicated to illuminating the practical issues to be dealt with in getting up and running.

Licenses are currently awarded on the basis of territories that would constitute contiguous areas for broadcast, but the transmitter used never cover the entire areas. The rationale behind this allocation methodology however - positing possession of a powerful transmitter as a point of departure - is ideological in itself, favoring concentration over plurality and actors with the economic resources to make large up-front capital investments.

The first task for an aspirant telestrada is to carry out an inspection of the zone and determine if there is either (a) a free channel or (b) a 'shadow zone' where the broadcasts of the assigned licensee are not functioning.

Marizio Anslemo, a broadcasting renegade from 16 years of age, gave some advice on practices that help in evading repression by the Postal Police (who have the duty to shut down illegal transmissions). First one shouldn't broadcast according to a regular schedule. Secondly, and this was a point stressed repeatedly, it is vital to have a good quality transmitter that broadcasts only in the defined frequency. Repression often arises because substandard transmitters emit sloppily, generating interference on existing licensed broadcasters signals, incurring their wrath. Then thy complain to the police and the repressive apparatus is set in motion. For the same reason it is important to use a broadcast power proportionate to the range that you intend to cover, and to err on the side of caution.

Anselmo and Valerio argue that ultimately the law will be determined by weight of numbers, which is top say that should a telestrada be shut, two should open in its stead. Thus the law will become unsustainable. Distributed data networks meanwhile can provide a common pool of material shared by different telestrada through a searchable database. In this way broadcasts can be made more frequently and the best quality material reproduced.

Broadcasters are required to implement digital broadcast by 2006, at which point every analogue channel could facilitate four digital, but the control over these newly available bands will reside in those already in possession of spectrum.

Experiments were carried out to ascertain the best equipment for the telestrada kit. The antenna ultimately chosen costs only 20 euros. They explained that it was worth spending something more on the transmitter so as to be able to control broadcast better, switch channel easily and cover all frequencies.

Power: even very small amounts of power are sufficient for broadcasting bin a limited range. They advise using .05 -.125 watt maximum with a one watt amplifier. They say that this will allow coverage up to 4 kilometers, well in excess of that required to produce a neighborhood tv in an urban area.

Alternatives

Anselmo also pointed out that those living in an apartment building have another option for broadcasting, namely to simply plug their transmitter into the central distribution point. Apparently programmable filtering boxes are commonly used, and available, that are often used to remove access to a specific channel. It seems that these can be adapted so as to allow you to broadcast on the blocked channel instead.

Where no 'shadow zone' or free channel is available, there is another option. On the Italian network the law forbids use of channels 70 and 71 altogether. The reason of for this is their proximity to the bands used by the cell phone operators. Nonetheless with a efficient transmittter, these frequencies can be used without intruding on their space and in many parts of the country amateurs are already starting to exploit these free channels.

The actual names of the equipment used were not announced - but detail and pricing of a pre-prepared kit have subsequently been released - and the etchnical aspects were really only outlined in broad terms. Members of the telestrada team are enthusiastic about providing assistance and have a forum full of useful info and advice at http://www.telestreet.it/telestreet/forum/forumdisplay.php?forumid=3

New Global Vision

Attention shifted back to digital potentialities with Zombi_J's explanation of NGV, very similar in conception to Free_Distro, and with whom we have been collaborating. The question of video distribution online was confronted last year in the aftermath of Genoa, where there was an urgent need to widely distribtute a first cut of the footage shot by video-operators during the G8. The material was already in digital form, so a series of ftp servers were established to distribute the work in DivX format. In the interim fiber optic connnections have been proliferating in the Italian cities that allow extremely fast (800kb/p/s) transfers within the network, and NGV have established a server within one of those networks (FastWeb). In addition they exploit p2p clients such as WinMx and Kazaa and also offer to send CDs with the videos masteredto those with inadequate web access or no connection at all. Currently their archive is composed of about a hundred films weighing in around 50 gigabytes in total.

Theory!? The final session had a more conceptual bent. Bifo underlined that the aim was not to launch a television network but rather to build another culture. Rather than seeing grassroots media as a form of ideological self-defense, he argued that we should instead go on the attack by surrounding corporate media, assailing it. Politically he advocated emphasis on the contradiction between the constitutional aspiration towards free speech through a plurality of voices and the actual effects of the Mamme law (formalising private monopoly power).

Andrea positioned developments in the information sphere within a broader matrix of the United State's attempts to consolidate and reproduce its economic and political power. Attacks on the 'public domain' and 'commons' should be seen as enclosures designed to undermine the productive potential of the general intellect. Wireless networks were mentioned for the first time that day and Andrea argued that dissident groups should be prepared to enter into competition with the status quo not only ideologically but also economically. Pointing to a recent study on the nature of colective production in Bologna's self-managed social centres, he stated that the productive capacity was often overlooked as a political factor. In similar vein, he lauded, and encouraged the audience to look at, Lessig's work on innovation and finished his speech with a call for the resussicitation of a grassroots digital economy. A weblog put together to chart this course can be found at http://w.skipintro.org/article.php?sid=906.

Matteo Pasquinelli from http://www.rekombinant.org proposed that a key task for the social movement was to be able to cooperate for the purposes of developing unified local media infrastructures. If cooperation is impossible in this sphere, it bodes ill for the social movement in general.

The final meeting that evening was with a former RAI journalist ousted by Berkuska regime, Santuro. Claiming that a key to Berlusconi's success was his abiulity to provide a "MacDonalds of the people's dreams" (?!), in the sense of a simple set of desirable imaginaries that could grasp the hopes of the many, he worried that the left were incapable of engaging politically on this level with a countervailing proposition. Drawing an analogy with the movement against capitalist globalisation, he suggested that this opposing concept might be that of the 'social bussiness'. I found this pretty lame. Heralding Telestrada as the most important political development in contemporary italy, he identified its significance as lying in its capacity to interrogate rather than replace the rest of the media.

Some Observations I've never found the proposition of a neighborhood television particularly compelling. At the same time its utility as a tool to initiate discussion over media control, access and repurposing of technologies, and roles of media production and consumption cannot be doubted. The presence of four hundred people at the TPO provided adequate proof of that, and the discussion was pleasantly free of the sterility that charcterizes many political events, perhaps because of its organization around a practical proposition.

The lack of discussion about wireless technologies mystified me. The points made about the flawed premises of spectrum policy apply beyond the realm of television. Further the techniques to supersede the technical difficulties - such as Software defined radios and UWB - were not even mentioned. Not to labour the point but one had the feeling that the day narrowly missed making a series of sensational connections between the possibility of overcoming the television monopoly and the potential to constitute alternative unowned infrastructure in general. Perhaps this derives from the availability of consumer fiber optic connectivity here skimming off the interest in wireless as a means for high speed transfer (even if only in local areas initially).

Once again the discussion about technology had a fetichistic character, echoing the acritical optimism of previous generations in scentific socialism and automation. This was particularly apparent in the panel with Bifo and Andrea from Quinte Stato. Weirdly Bifo seems to sustain both this naivgety and a sense of the emptional and cognitive estrangement characteristic of the postfordist working environment.

A consequence of Berlusconi's ascent has been that a section of the Italian media establishment, like Santoro - a former RAI journalist with a national profile - , have been marginalised or excluded. Some of those people are now regrouping to make a counter-attack. As part of this process social radicals working in the media area are going to see a lot more of them. A discussion of where we can cooperate and where we diverge is necessary; otheriwse we will find ourselves instrumentalised towards outcomes which we may not like at all, particularly if the DS were to return to power, and these people to favour, in a couple of years time. This is not to say that they should be quarantined, far from it, just that we should have a clear strategic forecast as to the consequences of our actions.

Lastly, do we want another television? Are a thousand neighborhood stations desirable? Is this just a discourse machine to be exploited for other reasons? Does anyone believe (as some of Orfeo TV have proposed) that the Telestrada can generate the type of sociality once found in the local bar or cafe? Does this discourse deepen or weaken the degree to which media visibility is made determinant in our social relations? What type of cimmunication would it enable? What type of humans would it make us? There is a lot of confusion on these points, which is a good thing as it reflects the openess of the discussion at this point, but these are questions that need to be addressed.

New Year's eve will see an hour long broadcast from outside Rebibia jail to the inmates but this will not be done over telestreet but rather using a private television channel called 'AmbienteTV' with whom Candida have collaborated previously.

Check out Megachip a media watchdog and reformist group.

EdN

Prologue: The Strike Wave of 1995 in France(EdN) [Alan: code pls]

[Note on the background, added by EdN in January 2001:]On 15 November 1995, the right-wing French government presented the National Assembly with a plan to reform the social security system which put in question supposedly irreversible "acquisitions" of government employees with respect to pensions and which sought to strip unions of the right to manage social security funds. Simultaneously, the state-railway workers of the SNCF were being

confronted in contract negotiations by the requirement that the network become profitable (that deficits be eliminated) by virtue of increased productivity. Two big unions (Force Ouvrière and the Confédération Générale du Travail) refused to sign any contract based on this principle. On 23 November the railway workers went out on strike; the 23 and 28 November saw the first demonstrations. On the 28th the stoppage spread to the Paris underground and buses, and on the 30th the electricity and gas workers joined the action. The government hoped that the strikes by public employees would be unpopular with private-sector wage-earners, considered less "privileged". The unions for their part called for a general strike. As it turned out, the private-sector workers, though they did not strike (except in the sense that they left work to demonstrate), were

sympathetic to the strikers. The press dubbed this phenomenon a "strike by proxy." On 5 December, there were demonstrations across the country; on the 7th they were even larger (more than a million people). On the 10th, Prime Minister Juppé announced that all the government's proposals were being withdrawn and convened a "social summit", as called for by the unions, for the 21st. The demonstrations continued notwithstanding: on the 12th a million were in the street once again, in a total of 270 towns across France. The unions then called a halt to the strike, which was effectively over by the 18th, except in the South, where it continued for another week.

Translation begins.... [Alan: put adition all in italics ???????]

"The only thing the million marchers demonstrated, with all their retro paraphernalia, was their flight from the modern world, their fear of a liberal society that is migrating to every corner of the world but has not yet, it seems, established its culture of the free and adult individual in France...." Thus the [right-wing weekly] Le Point for 16 December 1995. In the same vein, the article evokes a "first revolt against globalization" and even an "antimodern

revolution". Clearly the partisans of the globalization of the commodity, in airing their own fears (for no doubt they are nonplussed now and again at the very ease with which their agenda is accepted), said much more about the latent content of this movement than it was itself able to make manifest. Beyond a vague awareness of all that has been allowed to be lost and corrupted - a general feeling that floated like an aura over the strike of December 1995 - nothing concrete was ever asserted, and certainly no critique of modern life. Anything that might have served as a fulcrum for true opposition to the "logic of the economy" has been insidiously destroyed. (A people has to be conservative to revolt, as the saying goes - or at least conservative enough to have conserved its reasons for revolting.) So what is there left to fight for? According to Professor

Bourdieu, the answer is "the civilization of public service". He tells us that "Europe invented the welfare state. As nowhere else in the world, the citizens of the Fifteen enjoy old-age pensions, health insurance, family support, unemployment benefit, and the basic right to employment. This battery of socio-economic guarantees, won by the workers' movement, constitute the heart of modern European civilization" (Le Monde diplomatique, January 1996). You really have to be a left-wing motorist to be dreaming of a twenty-first century barely distinguishable from the old world of never-ending progress, a new millennium where social-democracy crossed with ecologism and televiewerdom wrests the said civilization of public service from the claws of

total production, and where, complete with its social acquisitions adapted now to the era of tele-labour, Fortress Europe continues as the ever-flaming beacon of the rights of man and of a decent salary in the dark night enveloping the rest of the world, etc., etc.

Only a Marxist of the Collège de France variety could be unaware of the fact that the essence of the commodity, qua social relationship, is the destruction of all qualitative distinctions, all local specificities, to the benefit of the abstract universality of the market. If one accepts the commodity, one is obliged to accept the commodity's

becoming-the-world, of which process every particular commodity is an agent even if it is not made in Taiwan. For the dynamic values of global commerce to come fully into play, what is of course needed is a world that is "open" - open to the infinity of endless economic effort; open also to the co-optation, at every level of the social hierarchy, of anyone who displays marked affinities with the ruling elite: nihilism, lack of imagination, passionate conformism, or the coldness of the sadistic character. By contrast, recalcitrants must be sent to join the mass of rejected supernumeraries and retards in the dungeons of sub-consumption and more or less subsidized nomadism. "In Los Angeles turbo-capitalism has totally destroyed the family structure. Your own brother won't help you out. But the economy is dynamic and employment opportunities are legion"

(Edward Luttwak, Croissance, April 1995). The vast majority of people must learn to view themselves as the economy views them - as human raw material. What the survivors of restructuring learn the hard way is that their reprieve is in any case strictly provisional. Everyone is replaceable, and there is nowhere to hide; even a value-added job can be taken over by a piece of software from one day to the next. No amount of redeployment and retraining can mitigate this fundamental tendency of an unfettered economy. Each individual fears that grumbling, having bad thoughts or nurturing doubts about the consumerist life style may call down the fury of theWeltgeist. Which is why we surround ourselves

with techno-fetishes and pay obeisance to them as a way of demonstrating our true faith in this invisible (yet eminently visible) force. It is a way of partaking of the grandeur and power of the collectivity. We fancy we can protect ourselves through absorption, through a mimetic blending in with the anonymity of an administered society whose continued sway must surely guarantee the survival of that human mass on which it depends for its existence. Servitude itself thus takes the form of a magical shield. Yet the security it affords can be no more than a deeper adjustment to the insecurity of an artificial life.

*****

The initial convergence of defensive interests between the trade-union bureaucrats and the strikers at the grass roots could have been brought into question only through the emergence of a new content for the protest movement. This opportunity presented to latent dissatisfactions failed, however, to crystallize a collective consciousness of the real state of the world; instead, apprehension as to what the world might become, once safeguards inherited from an earlier time were cast aside, blinded people to what it has indeed already become, to what it has been allowed to become. "Modernization" thus appeared as

what it also is, as regression to earlier forms of enslavement, but not as what it isessentially - not as the logical end point of a dispossession that we have chosen to mistake for comfort. The general impoverishment of life by the economy has been perceived solely as literal pauperization within the terms of an economy not itself subjected to critical scrutiny. Already, during similar defensive struggles of earlier years, only the most benighted of leftists were persuaded by seemingly innovative forms of extra-union organization to ignore the desperate silence that reigned over the

absurdity and inhumanity of the very activities that were thus being defended, sometimes violently. Were striking nurses ever known to attack scientific medicine? Did the lorry drivers ever protest the insane growth of commerce, or the fishermen denounce the wild plunder of which they are at once agents and victims? Did airline employees ever criticize the impulses of a globalized economy that clutters the skies with its harried managers and mass tourism. Likewise, during the December strike, we heard precious little about the very peculiar emotion you feel when careering at 300kph on a high-speed train past a nuclear-power plant.

*****

Under the rule of the economy we must learn to live without knowing what tomorrow will bring, and give up all hope that tomorrow might be better than today. Nothing will ever be achieved definitively, for the very operation of the market machine is an interminable process of destruction that cannot ever produce a stable form, an actual result. The instability of everything, the absence of the slightest certitude about the future, the collapse of the illusion of a guaranteed life - all of this is now the backdrop of ordinary existence. All that remains after the disintegration of the movement without which civilization would quite simply never have come about - a movement that sought at once to guarantee the security of its constituency and to move forward - all

that remains is the enduring need for protection and the regressive strategy whereby the leaders institute a permanent "state of emergency" while herding the led into the cavern of the cathode-ray tube. That the insipid guarantees of the "welfare state" should now be evoked as the marks of a golden age, and that survival should now call for a more protective State is eloquent testimony to the nature of modern poverty, but it says nothing about what will actually come to pass.

What surfaced during December 1995 was a sense, censored in normal times, that the past is no longer any guide to the future and that simply no one knows what is going to happen; everyone feels, in fact, that

anything at all is liable to come out of capitalism's witch's cauldron - and, more than likely, the worst. The princes charming of advertising have been changed into toads; toads, meanwhile, are mutating into something else, something never seen under the sun. The hiatus of euphoric consumerism, ensured happiness and universal integration is now drawing to a close. The notion is fast spreading that capitalism, having destroyed everything that hitherto gave meaning to human life, is bringing us to the brink of the abyss, even as it continues to urge us to take a "great leap forward".

*****

It is absurd, useless, indeed dangerously stupid to persist in trying to reason against an unbridled economy by arguing that it destroys not merely nature but human society. After all, what that economy sets out to do is, precisely, to become for the human herd a totality from whose clutches humanity cannot even dream of escaping. Likewise it is obtuse to suppose that the electronic networking of the planet could give rise to a countervailing power capable of challenging the malignant, computer-aided rule of rationalism. Utopian visions of a market economy "with a human face" at the service of

responsible consumer-citizens are so utterly dismal, so stultifying, that it is barely possible to prefer them to a sensational cataclysm; but of course the question is moot, for the very good reason that the cataclysm of climatic change is already upon us. The curtain is already ringing up on a new world with quite unprecedented features before which the machinery of instrumental reason is reduced to silence:

Lester R. Brown, president of the Worldwatch Institute in Washington, the leading international research centre on environmental issues, is troubled. After more than twenty years as an observer of the

impact of human activity on natural equilibria, he feels that the ecological crisis is about to reach the threshold of no possible return: the natural resources on offer world-wide, the basis of the planet's economic activity and social stability, can no longer meet the demand of the world's peoples, notably their

demand for food. As Mr Brown put it to Le Monde, "From now on it is war between man and Earth." (Le Monde, 27 February 1996.)

The whole question is whether our common survival is to be ensured in the disciplinary mode of a

continually renewed total mobilization that guarantees the ruling class a sort of perpetuity, as each fresh disaster or deprivation convinces the populace of the need for an organizing authority capable of waging a human war of secession from nature; or whether, on the other hand, survival will depend on humanity's emancipation from the economicfatum and its irresponsible hierarchies - on a humanity fighting its own battle to preserve the biological bases of life on earth.

This alternative can only seem naive or demented to those who imagine that they are protected from the disintegration of the real world by the simulations of virtual reality and their claim that all is well. For the others, it exacerbates their isolation and powerlessness in face of the crushing objectivity of what exists, the sheer speed of the race to catastrophe, the social anomie into which they see people plunged; and it encourages them to withdraw from this hapless society and attend to themselves alone, to the small circle of their private pleasures.

We know, however, that escaping alone from a world so disastrously unified is a vain hope. Not just because there is no place to flee, no shelter to be had, but also because such solutions would in any case be useless: our happiness requires the company of humankind. We have no choice but to strive to save society. But where to begin? Let us say that we must begin to save ourselves on our own; that we owe it to ourselves to slough off all the credulities of modern life - the fake pleasures, products, needs and images that distress and misguide us. This is not some austere duty, however: there is much joy in recognizing the antipathy between one's mind and the vacuity of a life of mimetism, always shameful, often risible, poisoned at the source, and in truth simply not lived. It would be odd indeed if down this path we did not soon meet other musicians of Bremen with the same secret belief as us: the belief thatthere is always something better than death.

From Remarques sur la paralysie de Décembre 1995, (Paris: Editions de l'EdN, 1996), pp. 16-19,20-21, 40-41, 43-45. [Alan: check code and style pls]

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