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CNN memos on reporting the war

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2001/nov2001/cnn-n06. shtml

CNN tells reporters: No propaganda, except American

By Patrick Martin

6 November 2001


In an extraordinary directive to its staff, Cable News Network has
instructed reporters and anchormen to tailor their coverage of the US war
against Afghanistan to downplay the toll of death and destruction caused by
American bombing, for fear that such coverage will undermine popular support
for the US military effort.


A memo from CNN Chairman Walter Isaacson to international correspondents for
the network declares: "As we get good reports from Taliban-controlled
Afghanistan, we must redouble our efforts to make sure we do not seem to be
simply reporting from their vantage or perspective. We must talk about how
the Taliban are using civilian shields and how the Taliban have harbored the
terrorists responsible for killing close to 5,000 innocent people."


"I want to make sure we're not used as a propaganda platform," Isaacson
declared in an interview with the Washington Post, adding that it "seems
perverse to focus too much on the casualties or hardship in Afghanistan."

"We're entering a period in which there's a lot more reporting and video
from Taliban-controlled Afghanistan," he said. "You want to make sure people
understand that when they see civilian suffering there, it's in the context
of a terrorist attack that caused enormous suffering in the United States."


In a second memo leaked to the Post, CNN's head of standards and practices,
Rick Davis, expressed concern about reports on the bombing of Afghanistan
filed by on-the-spot reporters. Davis noted that it "may be hard for the
correspondent in these dangerous areas to make the points clearly" about the
reasons for the US bombing. In other words, the CNN official feared that
overseas correspondents might be intimidated by local opposition to the US
military intervention and allow such sentiments to influence their reports.


To ensure that every CNN report always includes a justification of the war,
Davis prescribed specific language for anchors to read after each account of
civilian casualties and other bomb damage. He suggested three alternative
formulations:


* "We must keep in mind, after seeing reports like this from
Taliban-controlled areas, that these US military actions are in response to
a terrorist attack that killed close to 5,000 innocent people in the US."


* "We must keep in mind, after seeing reports like this, that the Taliban
regime in Afghanistan continues to harbor terrorists who have praised the
September 11 attacks that killed close to 5,000 innocent people in the US."


* "The Pentagon has repeatedly stressed that it is trying to minimize
civilian casualties in Afghanistan, even as the Taliban regime continues to
harbor terrorists who are connected to the September 11 attacks that claimed
thousands of innocent lives in the US."


Davis concluded with an ultimatum to journalists concerned that they may
sound like parrots for the White House: "Even though it may start sounding
rote, it is important that we make this point each time."


The Tailwind capitulation


A turning point in the transformation of CNN into a thinly disguised outlet
for Pentagon propaganda was the 1998 controversy over the network's
broadcast of an investigative report entitled "Valley of Death." The program
dealt with allegations that the US military used chemical weapons in Laos in
1970 during the Vietnam War. Produced by April Oliver and Jack Smith, and
narrated by Peter Arnett, it provided considerable evidence that Operation
Tailwind, as the military called it, involved the use of sarin, a deadly
nerve gas.


But coming amidst a series of US provocations against Iraq over allegations
that Saddam Hussein's regime was developing weapons of mass destruction, the
CNN program threatened to cut across a major objective of American foreign
policy. A storm of protest was whipped up by far-right elements, including
former military officers, and both former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
and former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Colin Powell denounced the
television report.


CNN's response was complete capitulation. Network founder Ted Turner, still
the largest stockholder in the parent Time-Warner conglomerate, made abject
apologies to the Pentagon. CNN repudiated the exposé, fired its two
producers, and reprimanded Arnett who, to his shame, distanced himself from
the program and claimed he was not responsible for its allegations.


Less than a year later Arnett himself was fired. The Pulitzer Prize-winning
journalist had been widely acclaimed for his on-the-spot reporting from
Baghdad during the Gulf War. His dismissal, in the midst of the war on
Yugoslavia, was followed by another demonstration of the ties between the
network and the national security apparatus. CNN's chief correspondent in
the former Yugoslavia, Christiane Amanpour, married State Department
spokesman James Rubin, the Clinton administration's principal liaison with
the Kosovo Liberation Army guerrillas. Both continued in their jobs as
full-time apologists for the war on Yugoslavia, one at the State Department
podium, the other in front of a CNN camera in the Balkans.


"Human shields" and other lies


While CNN's policy may be the most crudely expressed-or the only one
recorded in a corporate memorandum that has become public knowledge-its
stance is characteristic of the entire American media, which serves in the
Afghanistan war as 24x7 propagandists for American imperialism.


Isaacson's reference to "civilian shields" is typical of the cynical lies
spread by the American government, with the obedient support of the media.
This claim was first broached during the Persian Gulf War, when US officials
routinely dismissed reports of horrific civilian casualties caused by the US
bombing of Iraq, claiming that Saddam Hussein had ordered tanks, warplanes
and entire chemical and biological weapons facilities to be moved into
residential neighborhoods.


The most notorious US atrocity of that war was the destruction of a bomb
shelter in the Al-Amariya neighborhood of Baghdad, in which hundreds of
civilians were killed, the majority of them women and children. The Pentagon
claimed that Al-Amariya was a top secret command-and-control center for the
Iraqi military, and that the women and children had been deliberately
planted there as "human shields." Subsequent investigation revealed that
these claims were spurious.


This did not stop the media from uncritically accepting similar statements
about the US bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, when civilian casualties were
invariably blamed on the government of Slobodan Milosevic. The same kind of
lies are now circulated about Afghanistan, with reports that the Taliban
regime is moving heavy weapons and military detachments into mosques and
relief centers-in order to justify in advance the next American atrocity.


The myth of "human shields" is only one example of the torrent of lies that
flows out of the White House, Pentagon and CIA, swallowed and regurgitated
by the US media without a qualm.


White House political adviser Karl Rove and press spokesman Ari Fleischer
were caught lying about why Bush took so long to return to the White House
September 11 after the suicide hijackings hit the World Trade Center and the
Pentagon. These officials peddled the story that the White House had
received a credible threat to Air Force One. It later emerged that there was
no such threat, and the story had been concocted to provide a plausible
explanation for Bush's embarrassing conduct. Now the same administration
issues alerts about terrorist threats for the entire United States without a
single major media voice asking why, given the previous lies, these alerts
should be believed.


The administration initially pledged to release conclusive evidence of Osama
bin Laden's role in the terrorist attacks-Colin Powell made the promise on
national television-but reversed itself abruptly. The supposed evidence has
never been produced. The American media raised no hue and cry, and continues
to repeat the official claims that the guilt of bin Laden is
incontrovertible.


White House, Pentagon shape coverage


With the onset of the bombing campaign, the effort by the White House and
Pentagon to dictate terms of press coverage of the war was stepped up. Bush'
s national security adviser Condoleeza Rice called the five television
networks asking them to limit coverage of statements by Osama bin Laden.
Other officials suggested these statements might contain coded instructions
to terrorists. The networks immediately issued a pledge of cooperation.


White House officials have responded to press criticism of the Bush
administration's handling of the anthrax attacks by seeking to rebuke
reporters whose questions express skepticism about the government response.
Campbell Brown, an NBC White House correspondent, said a top White House
official telephoned her to complain of a hostile question to newly appointed
Director of Homeland Security Tom Ridge. "To get an unsolicited phone call
from a senior official at this White House is very unusual," she told the
Washington Post.


The top executive at ABC News, David Westin, was raked over the coals for
remarks at a forum at the Columbia University journalism school where he was
asked whether the Pentagon was a "legitimate military target." Westin
replied by distinguishing between his personal revulsion at the loss of life
on September 11 and his responsibility as a journalist to describe the event
accurately, including the motivation of those responsible for the attack,
who may have regarded the Pentagon in that light.


The forum was broadcast by C-SPAN, and Westin's comments were lambasted by
Internet gossip Matt Drudge, the New York Post, and other voices of the
right wing. Westin issued a public statement October 31, declaring, "I
apologize for any harm that my misstatement may have caused."


In the war zone itself, the Pentagon systematically violates its own ground
rules for press coverage, which prescribe that the media should have access
to all major units and locations. Only a handful of reporters are on the
ground in Afghanistan, and these operate under the type of self-censorship
revealed in the CNN memo. Reporters are barred from many US naval warships
in the Indian Ocean as well as air bases in the Middle East and Central
Asia.


While the usual justification for such practices is the safety of the
troops, the Pentagon has never documented a single incident where press
coverage compromised "operational security." Seventeen news organizations
were aware that the US was about to launch bombing raids on Afghanistan at
least 24 hours before the attacks began October 7, but not a single one
broke the story in advance.


Richard Reeves, a veteran liberal journalist, described the informal wartime
muzzling of the press in a recent column titled, "Truth in the Packaging of
War News." He cited a 1982 Naval War College advisory on press treatment,
which prescribed the following rules: "Sanitize the visual images of war,
control media access to theaters, censor information that could upset
readers and viewers, exclude journalists who would not write favorable
stories."


This was predictable for the military, Reeves wrote, but his main criticism
was of the submissive response of the media. "My gripe is with my own
business," he explained. "The press, in general, prefers appearing
authoritative in war coverage to admitting that we are being manipulated and
lied to-and that we do not actually know what is going on, particularly in
the early combat of any war."