Radical media, politics and culture.

Crackpipe Neoliberalism

What are the moments represented by these themes?

Communication and movement from below are two of the strongest forces fashioning our everyday lives in ways which are not controlled and commanded by the state. No accident that the same paradigm, management, involving in one case demographic survey and in the other personal profiling based on informational inputs, is applied to both. Both are defined as problems; both have generated mass practices of illegality which the institutions given sovereignty over these jurisdictions can only simulate control over; both are central to the reproduction of the economy and profit on the terms now defined.

Movement from above mostly expresses itself in the movement of capital over borders and industries, the effortless economic blossoming and withering of regions. But it is also the summit-hoping by those who would be kings, and the fairytale lifestyle of the media celebrity or business magnate who flies to Venice for dinner and London for his tailor. Communication from above is the engineering of opinion, the manufacturing of the subject as consumer, the predatory generation of the fear of the other, the evacuation of sense and the bending of the knee before neo-feudalisms (old) new aristocracy.

Where we can be and what we know determine the parameters of what we can do. But in this world at the end of each trail lies the mad demands of production and the morality of the job. Work was always ugly but becomes even more undignified under informational capitalism, accelerated, intrusive, destabilising and omnipresent. Whether its selling the self in 'services' or the demand to turn-over a hundred 'customer inquiries' an hour in a call center, the means of accessing an income are locked to the use of the wage as a means of social control and the demand to extract surplus value from one and all. There is labour from below, but alas it doesn't tend to produce income, unless we're talking about that activity dubbed criminal, whose repression comprises one of the few outstanding justifications for its own existence that kingpins of the state apparatus appear to invest their faith in.

When the majority of profit extracted from commerce derives from the design, idea and research behind the good rather than the physical artifact itself, and when the manufacture of these physical containers can be subjected to a devestating dose of comparative advantage as demonstrated in the market for labour, then intellectual property rules become the fundamental vectors for control and the reproduction of profit-centers. In a world without borders these rules ensure that each keep their proper place, injecting a certain social order. Meanwhile, the networked millions, discovering the scale of their capacity in collaborative production from below using informational inputs, find their practice of building outside of profit impeded by rules erected so as to limit access, prevent the emergence of alternatives capable of challenging the rentier's racket and deny access to knowledge. These laws bind the arms of workers in the labour market as well, block the portability of skills, know-how, and of course, alienating us from the products of our work.